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New Narrative of Malaysian Foreign Policy attempts to present a new approach to the understanding of Malaysian Foreign Policy. The focus is on the nontraditional factors of political sentiments, strategic drivers and the ‘Do-it-yourself’ (DIY) methodology. Three themes have become the book’s core narrative: the Malays-Then and Now; Malaysia’s Cooperation with its ASEAN Neighbours and Malaysia’s attempt at balancing its relations with the world. All the ideas are brought together in a final part of the book. In the book, the country’s responses to the changing strategic environment and the different strategic drivers that have impacted on our value-system and influenced our diplomatic actions over the years have been analysed and evaluated.
This book focuses on new approaches in understanding the changing context of foreign policy decision-making in the country, historically and for the future. From the traditional mode of the domestic, external and personality traits of the respective prime ministers and their governments over the years, and the nature of their responses to keep up with the changes and to maintain continuity woth the past, all have a big influence ont their decisions. In the four case studies presented, the factors of political continuity managed by the leadership and those that emphasise history, decision-making, key issues, and big-picture and paradigmatic analysis, are considered together with the DIY foreign policy of Prime Minister Najib Razak, and the change in continuity foreign policy framework of Prime Minister Tun Dr. Mahathir Mohamad and the short-lived Pakatan Harapan government. The book closes with a look at the future of diplomacy in the world and the region amid the COVID-19 pandemic and the political uncertainties in the present government in the country.
This volume argues that the whole 'American Dream' is not about to fade away, while to many Americans, a 'New America' takes shape every time a president is changed. Both are in fact, the two sides of the same coin. On one side, in pursuit of the New America, all the three Presidents featured here - Obama, Trump, and Biden (in his first one hundred days) - have focused on as above in their domestic and foreign policies. On the reverse side, these can also function as guide posts for the respective administrations in their pursuit of the American Dream presented as efforts at nation branding, focusing on domestic and foreign affairs, the quest for greatness and democracy, and the Rule of Law. Despite what has occurred in the United States during the presidencies of Obama, Trump, and Biden, the book's perspective on the future of American politics and the presidency discussed will still remain valid for there is always 'a little bit of the old in the new'.
Dr Ismail's writings and speeches, and his letters to the Tunku, covering a variety of foreign policy issues, are a valuable asset in understanding the unique role he played in the nation's history. He was without doubt the primary architect of Malayan (Malaysian) Foreign Policy. - Tengku Tan Sri Dato' Seri Ahmad Rithauddeen, Former Foreign Minister of Malaysia Not only was Dr Ismail Abdul Rahman Malaysia's first ambassador to the United States and permanent representative to the United Nations, he was also Foreign Affairs Minister in 1959-60. Later, as long-time Home Affairs Minister, Deputy Prime Minister and occasionally Acting Prime Minister, he played a decisive role in making neutrality the pillar of Malaysia's foreign policy. This important collection of notes he wrote to the Tunku in 1958 and of his speeches made in 1957-58 at the UN are being published for the very first time. It gives us a window into his seminal thinking and makes us understand the contribution he made to Malaysian nation-building in the early years. Tawfik Ismail and Ooi Kee Beng deserve kudos for compiling these into one volume and for providing elaborate footnoting that presents the reader with an intriguing picture of the Cold War year of 1958. The book is a "must read" for the diplomatic corps and Malaysian foreign policy analysts. - Johan Saravanamuttu, Former Political Science Professor and Dean, Science University Malaysia (USM)
This book captures Malaysia's foreign policy over the first fifty years and beyond since the date of the country's formal independence in 1957. The author provides "macro-historical" narratives of foreign policy practices and outcomes over distinct time periods under the tenures of the five prime ministers. One chapter delves into relations with immediate neighbouring states and another chapter analyses the political economy of foreign policy. A postscript deals with the transition of foreign policy beyond the fifth decade. The concluding chapter suggests that Malaysian middlepowermanship has been in the making in foreign policy practice being particularly evident since the Mahathir years. Employing a critical-constructivist approach throughout the study, the author posits that foreign policy should be appreciated as outcomes of socio-political-economic processes embedded within a Malaysian political culture. In terms of broad policy orientations, Malaysian foreign policy over five decades has navigated over the terrains of neutralism, regionalism, globalization and Islamism. However, the critical engagement of civil society in foreign policy construction remains a formidable challenge.
The idea for the book came from an event, the 14th General Elections in the country on 9 May 2018 that saw changes in the structure, personalities and systems in a Government. The New Malaysia Government that has come into power is only carrying on a political tradition in the form of the visioning process and the form of coalition politics that will work. The analysis is based on the methodology of scenario planning and futures studies and involved the identification of needs determinants and change drivers. All the similarities and differences in the scenarios and alternative futures presented and discussed in this book point to a much-required need for an analysis of the political change processes for the country.
1; General works and history -- 2; Crime and delinquency -- 3; Economic conditions, employment aspects, status and women's role in development -- 4; Education -- 5; Feminism and women's rights -- 6; Health and welfare -- 7; Legal statuss, women and family law -- 8; Literary aspects, women in literature, mass media and the arts -- 9; Marriage and divorce, fertility and demography -- 10; Muslim women and islam -- 11; Political activities and public life -- 12; Socio-cultural conditions, status in society, sociological and anthtopological studies -- 13; Technology and science.
Since its independence in January 1948, Myanmar has tried to find a way to deal with (at one time) ideologically hostile and traditionally chauvinistic China which has pursued a foreign policy aimed at restoring its perceived influence in Myanmar. To counter China's attempts to influence Myanmar's foreign policy options has always been a challenge for the Myanmar government. Since the 1950s, successive Myanmar governments have realized that Myanmar's bilateral relations with the People's Republic of China should best be conducted in the context of promoting the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence, the Bandung spirit and the Pauk-Phaw (kinsfolk) friendship. The term Pauk-Phaw is exclusively devoted to denote the special nature of the Sino-Myanmar relationship. This work argues that Myanmar's relationship with China is asymmetric but Myanmar skilfully plays the "China Card" and it enjoys considerable space in its conduct of foreign relations. So long as both sides fulfill the obligations that come under "Pauk-Phaw" friendship, the relationship will remain smooth. Myanmar has constantly repositioned her relations with China to her best advantage. Myanmar's China policy has always been placed somewhere in between balancing and bandwagoning, and the juxtaposition of accommodating China's regional strategic interests and resisting Chinese influence and interference in Myanmar's internal affairs has been a hallmark of Myanmar's China policy. This is likely to remain unchanged.