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While in the last twenty years perceptions of Europe have been subjected to detailed historical scrutiny, American images of the Old World have been almost wantonly neglected. As a response to this scholarly desideratum, this pioneering study analyzes neoconservative images of Europe since the 1970s on the basis of an extensive collection of sources. With fresh insight into the evolution of American images of Europe as well as into the history of U.S. neoconservatism, the book appeals to readers familiar and new to the subject matters alike. The study explores how, beginning in the early 1970s, ideas of the United States as an anti-Europe have permeated neoconservative writing and shaped their self-images and political agitation. The choice of periodization and investigated personnel enables the author to refute popular claims that widespread Euro-critical sentiment in the United Studies during the early 21st century – considerably ignited by neoconservatives – was a distinct post-Cold War phenomenon. Instead, the analysis reveals that the fiery rhetoric in the context of the Iraq War debates was merely the climax of a decade-old development.
Here are the best of Kristol's now famous essays on society, religion, morals, culture, literature, education, and on the values issues which have come to define the neoconservative critique of contemporary life. These essays display the provocative ideas and style that have caused Irving Kristol to be justly regarded as the "godfather" of the conservative movement.
Neo conservatism: Why We Need It is a defense of the most controversial political philosophy of our era. Douglas Murray takes a fresh look at the movement that replaced Great-Society liberalism, helped Ronald Reagan bring down the Wall, and provided the intellectual rationale for the Bush administration's War on Terror. While others are blaming it for foreign policy failures and, more extremely, attacking it as a ''Jewish cabal,'' Murray argues that the West needs Neo conservatism more than ever. In addition to explaining what Neo conservatism is and where it came from, he argues that this American-born response to the failed policies of the 1960s is the best approach to foreign affairs not only for the United States but also for Britain and the West as well.
From its origins in 1930s Marxism to its unprecedented influence on George W. Bush's administration, neoconservatism has become one of the most powerful, reviled, and misunderstood intellectual movements in American history. But who are the neocons, and how did this obscure group of government officials, pundits, and think-tank denizens rise to revolutionize American foreign policy?Political journalist Jacob Heilbrunn uses his intimate knowledge of the movement and its members to write the definitive history of the neoconservatives. He sets their ideas in the larger context of the decades-long battle between liberals and conservatives, first over communism, and now over the war on terrorism. And he explains why, in spite of their misguided policy on Iraq, they will remain a permanent force in American politics.
Presents a critique of the Bush Administration's Iraq policy, arguing that it stemmed from misconceptions about the realities of the situation in Iraq and a squandering of the goodwill of American allies following September 11th.
This book which will come as a surprise to many educated observers and historians suggests that Jews and Jewish intellectuals have played a considerable role in the development and shaping of modern American conservatism. The focus is on the rise of a group of Jewish intellectuals and activists known as neoconservatives who began to impact on American public policy during the Cold War with the Soviet Union and most recently in the lead up to and invasion of Iraq. It presents a portrait of the life and work of the original and small group of neocons including Irving Kristol, Norman Podhoretz, and Sidney Hook. This group has grown into a new generation who operate as columnists in conservative think tanks like The Heritage and The American Enterprise Institute, at colleges and universities, and in government in the second Bush Administration including such lightning rod figures as Paul Wolfowitz, Richard Perle and Elliot Abrams. The book suggests the neo cons have been so significant in reshaping modern American conservatism and public policy that they constitute a Neoconservative Revolution.
Situated at the intersection of political history, intellectual history, and the history of U.S. foreign policy, this book offers an in-depth examination of the development of neoconservative foreign policy from the end of the Cold War to the election of George W. Bush in 2000.
Literary ombudsman John Crace never met an important book he didn't like to deconstruct. From Salman Rushdie to John Grisham, Crace retells the big books in just 500 bitingly satirical words, pointing his pen at the clunky plots, stylistic tics and pretensions of Big Ideas, as he turns publishers' golden dream books into dross.
American Neoconservatism moves beyond recent debates over the intricacies of the Bush administration's foreign policy to offer a deeper look at the philosophical premises of this 'new' conservatism in light of the historical events and changing social compacts that have created a demand for it over the past decades. It surveys neoconservative discourses on democracy, the liberal state, capitalism, national security, international law and global liberal governance, and draws attention to the systematic links between the domestic and international dimensions of neoconservative political sociology. Taking issue with neoconservatism's self-image, Drolet argues and demonstrates that American neoconservatism is not the centrist 'liberal' conservatism that it pretends to be--and that many analysts have diagnosed in recent years. To the extent that neoconservatism is committed to the Enlightenment discourse of liberalism, these commitments are firmly subordinated to an authoritarian form of cultural and philosophical conservatism, which is in fact ferociously predatory on liberal values and practices. Neoconservatism is not a conservative variant of liberalism but a deeply atavistic reaction to liberal modernity. It owes a lot more to the authoritarian intellectual milieu of interwar Europe than to the liberal tradition that its protagonists allegedly want to reform and protect against its enemies.
European Media provides a clear, concise account of the structures, dynamics and realities of the changing face of media in Europe. It offers a timely and illuminating appraisal of the issues surrounding the development of new media in Europe and explores debates about the role of the media in the formation of a European public sphere and a European identity. The book argues that Europe offers an ideal context for examining interactions between global, regional and national media processes and its individual chapters consider: the changing structure of the European media; the development of new media; the Europeanization of the media in the region; the challenges for the content; and audiences. Special emphasis is given to the transformation of political communication in Europe and the alleged emergence of a European public sphere and identity. European Media: Structures, Politics and Identity is an invaluable text for courses on media and international studies as well as courses dealing with European and national policy studies. It is also helpful to students, researchers and professionals in the media sector since it combines hard facts with theoretical insight.