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Global climate change is one of the challenges ever to confront humanity with the largest scale, widest scope and most far-reaching influence. As the biggest developing country with the largest population, China is the world’s leading consumer of coal and energy, and one of the worst-hit victims of global warming. Consequently, China should assume its responsibility in making contributions to global sustainable development. Based on the principles of fairness and efficiency, this study creatively puts forward two principles of global governance on climate change. The first entails replacement of the two-group schema of developed and developing countries with a four-group model based on the Human Development Index (HDI). The second entails application of the resulting model to specify the major emitters as principal contributors to emission reduction. In addition, it proposes a two-step strategy for China to tackle the issue of climate change. This book makes it clear that China should proactively engage in relevant international cooperation, actively participate in international climate negotiations, make clear commitments to reduce emissions, and assume the obligations of a responsible power to achieve sustainable and green development.
China is becoming a rising star in global economical and political affairs. Both internationally and within China itself, people have great expectations of its future role. This book aims to clarify many aspects of China’s key position in the climate change situation and policy debates. However, limited by its development stage, natural resource endowment, and other unbalanced developing issues, China is still a developing country. This book shows the reader the real China, which can provide more comprehensive solutions for future global climate regimes. This book includes research into China’s twelfth Five-Year-Plan; low-carbon city pilot schemes; policies and pathways for China’s nationally appropriate mitigation actions; China’s forestry management; China’s NGOs and climate change; the low-carbon 2010 Expo in Shanghai; carbon budget proposals; China’s green economy and green jobs; China’s reaction to carbon tariffs; China’s actions in approaching adaptation; China’s cumulative carbon emissions, and more. China’s Climate Change Policies brings together experienced experts with in-depth understanding of the scientific assessment of climate change and relevant social and economic policies, and senior experts who have participated directly in international climate negotiations. This will help the reader to better understand the 2011 Durban climate change conference, as well as China’s long-term strategy in response to climate change.
Examines the domestic politics, foreign policy and international relations of climate change in China, Japan and Southeast Asia, often disproportionately affected; increasing our understanding of a region vital to mitigating and coping with climate.
Comparative case studies and analyses of the influence of domestic politics on countries' climate change policies and Kyoto ratification decisions. Climate change represents a “tragedy of the commons” on a global scale, requiring the cooperation of nations that do not necessarily put the Earth's well-being above their own national interests. And yet international efforts to address global warming have met with some success; the Kyoto Protocol, in which industrialized countries committed to reducing their collective emissions, took effect in 2005 (although without the participation of the United States). Reversing the lens used by previous scholarship on the topic, Global Commons, Domestic Decisions explains international action on climate change from the perspective of countries' domestic politics. In an effort to understand both what progress has been made and why it has been so limited, experts in comparative politics look at the experience of seven jurisdictions in deciding whether or not to ratify the Kyoto Protocol and to pursue national climate change mitigation policies. By analyzing the domestic politics and international positions of the United States, Australia, Russia, China, the European Union, Japan, and Canada, the authors demonstrate clearly that decisions about global policies are often made locally, in the context of electoral and political incentives, the normative commitments of policymakers, and domestic political institutions. Using a common analytical framework throughout, the book offers a unique comparison of the domestic political forces within each nation that affect climate change policy and provides insights into why some countries have been able to adopt innovative and aggressive positions on climate change both domestically and internationally.
Since the early 1990s, there are two increasingly hot topics attracting numerous scholarly attentions in Chinese politics: first, it is the transformation of China's political system. Second, it is China's increasingly involvement in international regimes. Nevertheless, until now, there are only a few scholars to work out the distinctive relations between them, and even less people work on the bureaucratic politics level. By explaining and evaluating the development of policymaking coordination in the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), the author demonstrates the argument that international regimes have contributed to the development of coordination in Chinese Policymaking, taking the UNFCCC as a departure.
Why is China more concerned about 'climate change' when developed nations are moving backward in negotiation? Where does China stand in the climate change negotiation? Climate change as one of the crucial issues has hit developing countries such as China, where the focus is on the environmental dilemma - carbon technology to be used for further development or to compromise with the protocol called by the climate change regime. Beijing was listed as one of the most polluted cities in 2015 due to its smog blanket. China cannot escape from its day-to-day climate change issues. However, China came up with the innovative idea at the Paris Climate talks in November 2015 for the commitment of cutting power sector emissions to 60 per cent by 2020. China says it will cut CO2 emissions from coal power by 180 tons by 2020. Moreover, leaders like Le Keqiang say that the policies of state have to change from 'war on terror' to the 'war on pollution'. Theoretically, neoclassical realism explains that states are still dominant according to their domestic capabilities in the international system. Robert Putnam's two-level game explains that at the national level domestic groups pursue their interest by pressuring the government to adopt favourable policies, and politicians seek power by constructing coalitions among groups. At the international level, a national government seeks to maximise its own ability to satisfy domestic pressure while minimising the adverse consequences of foreign development. In the case of China, the domestic game is a 'ratification game', where the contributions do not exceed those in a benchmark without domestic constraints. Thus, the chapter uses the process of a tracing method by tracing the links between possible causes and observing outcomes focusing on sequential processes.
"The Fight for Climate after COVID-19 draws on the troubled and uneven COVID-19 experience to illustrate the critical need to ramp up resilience rapidly and effectively on a global scale. After years of working alongside public health and resilience experts crafting policy to build both pandemic and climate change preparedness, Alice C. Hill exposes parallels between the underutilized measures that governments should have taken to contain the spread of COVID-19 -- such as early action, cross-border planning, and bolstering emergency preparation -- and the steps leaders can take now to mitigate the impacts of climate change. Through practical analyses of current policy and thoughtful guidance for successful climate adaptation, The Fight for Climate after COVID-19 reveals that, just as our society has transformed itself to meet the challenge of coronavirus, so too will we need to adapt our thinking and our policies to combat the ever-increasing threat of climate change." --
This book explores the development of climate change discourses in Russia. It contributes to the study of climate change as a cultural idea by developing the extensive Anglophone literature on environmental science, politics and policy pertaining to climate change in the West to consider how Russian discourses of climate change have developed. Drawing on contributors specialising in numerous periods, regions, disciplines and topics of study, the central thread of this book is the shared attempt to understand how environmental issues, particularly climate change, have been understood, investigated and conceptualised in Soviet and post-Soviet Russia. The chapters aim to complement work on the history of the discursive political construction of climate change in the West by examining a highly contrasting (but intimately related) cultural context. Russia remains one of the world’s largest greenhouse gas emitters with one of the most carbon-intensive economies. As the world begins to suffer the extreme consequences of anthropogenic climate change, finding adequate solutions to global environmental problems necessitates the participation of all countries. Russia is a central actor in this global process and it, therefore, becomes increasingly important to understand climate change discourse in this region. Insights gained in this area may also be illuminating for examining environmental discourses in other resource rich regions of the world with alternative economic and political experiences to that of the West (e.g. China, Middle East). This book will be of great interest to students and scholars of Russian environmental policy and politics, climate change discourses, environmental communication and environment and sustainability in general.