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In his groundbreaking work, In Defence of Naval Supremacy, Sumida presents a provocative and authoritative revisionist history of the origins, nature and consequences of the "Dreadnought Revolution" of 1906. Based on intensive and extensive archival research, the book strives to explain vital financial and technical matters which enable readers to observe the complex interplay of fiscal, technical, strategic, and personal factors that shaped the course of British naval decision-making during the critical quarter century that preceded the outbreak of the First World War.
Discusses the lessons which Britain learned in the war of 1739-48 which, when applied in later wars, brought about Britain's global naval supremacy.
Bogens undertitel er et amerikansk udtryk for at "Ligge i vindøjet" og der henvises til kolonikrigene, der så deres begyndelse i 1775. Således var vindøjet her den engelske flådes blokade af de nordamerikanske fristater. Den økonomiske og militære historie hænger sammen, og denne bog foretager en bedre end normalt set videnskabeligt forsket årsagssammenhæng, idet den som hovedkonklusion ser på den engelske flådeblokades påvirkning af landbrugssektoren og videre på den skade fristaterne påførtes ved engelsk besættelse af betydningsfulde landbrugsområder og manglende øversøiske eksportmuligheder for disse oprørske stater.
The battleships of the worlds navies in the 1820s were descended directly in line from the Revenge of 1577: they were wooden-built, sail-powered and mounted guns on the broadside, firing solid shot.In the next half century, steel, steam and shells had wrought a transformation and by 1906, Dreadnought had ushered in a revolution in naval architecture. The naval race between Britain and Germany that followed, led to the clash of the navies at Jutland in 1916. Though this was indecisive, the German navy never again challenged the Grand Fleet of Britain during the war, and eventually the crews refused to put to sea again.Disarmament on a massive scale followed, but the battleship was still regarded as the arbiter of sea-power in the years between the wars. However, the advocates of air power were looking to the future, and when in 1940 biplane Swordfish torpedo bombers of the Fleet Air Arm sank three Italian battleships at their moorings in Taranto, the Japanese sensed their opportunity. Their attack on the American Pacific fleet base at Pearl Harbor sank eight battleships but the American carriers were at sea, and escaped destruction. Given the distances involved, the Pacific war was necessarily a carrier war, and in the major actions of the Coral Sea, Midway, Leyte Gulf and the Philippine Sea, all the fighting was done by aircraft, with battleships reduced to a supporting role.Soon after the war ended, most were sent for scrap, and a naval tradition had come to an end.
A fundamental component of Britain's early success, naval impressment not only kept the Royal Navy afloat--it helped to make an empire. In total numbers, impressed seamen were second only to enslaved Africans as the largest group of forced laborers in the eighteenth century. In The Evil Necessity, Denver Brunsman describes in vivid detail the experience of impressment for Atlantic seafarers and their families. Brunsman reveals how forced service robbed approximately 250,000 mariners of their livelihoods, and, not infrequently, their lives, while also devastating Atlantic seaport communities and the loved ones who were left behind. Press gangs, consisting of a navy officer backed by sailors and occasionally local toughs, often used violence or the threat of violence to supply the skilled manpower necessary to establish and maintain British naval supremacy. Moreover, impressments helped to unite Britain and its Atlantic coastal territories in a common system of maritime defense unmatched by any other European empire. Drawing on ships' logs, merchants' papers, personal letters and diaries, as well as engravings, political texts, and sea ballads, Brunsman shows how ultimately the controversy over impressment contributed to the American Revolution and served as a leading cause of the War of 1812. Early American HistoriesWinner of the Walker Cowen Memorial Prize for an Outstanding Work of Scholarship in Eighteenth-Century Studies
In the great wars of modern history, maritime powers have always prevailed over land-based empires. This extraordinary book charts the growth of these powers in various western countries while revealing the way in which supremacy at sea freed thought and society itself. As noted historian Peter Padfield demonstrates, those nations attaining mastery at sea have been distinguished by liberty, flexibility, and enterprise, a historical lesson of burning relevance today. Maritime Supremacydetails the struggles of the first supreme maritime powers of the modern age, the Dutch and the British, and ends with the emergence of the ultimate successor, the United States world power was won. Immersing the reader in the drama of events, including riveting great sea battles, Padfield challenges our view of the evolution of today's world. "Outstanding . . . offers up naval campaigns and sea battles as vivid as any you will find in Patrick O'Brian." (John Lehman, former secretary of the US Navy, The Wall Street Journal) "[Padfield's] comprehension of the context and his natural, understandable absorption in the details are expressed in fine writing." (Stephen Howarth, Naval History)
In the history of civilizations, sea power has always played a preponderant role. This symbol of a nation's scientific and military genius has very often been the deciding factor during major conflicts, putting the names of several clashes down into legend. With this collection, Jean-Yves Delitte and Giuseppe Baiguera plunge into the heart of three of the twentieth century's greatest naval battles. TSUSHIMA. Newly opened to the world, Japan found itself to be weak and subject to the whims of larger nations. What followed was decades of industrialization and modernization as Japan sought to catch up to advanced nations and control its own destiny. In 1905, when Japan's expansionist policies clashed with the Russian Empire over Korea, Japan was poised to flex its muscle and stun the world using the same naval supremacy that opened its borders half a century earlier. JUTLAND. May 31, 1916: the British Royal Navy and the German Kaiserliche Marine are preparing to confront one another in the North Sea off the Danish coast of Jutland. This will be the final great confrontation of World War I by sea and one of the greatest epic battles in the history of seafaring. Despite heavy losses, which are greater than the Germans', the English reaffirm their naval supremacy over the seas of the world, and Germany, all too conscious of having escaped disaster, will opt to confine the majority of its ships to its ports. MIDWAY. December 7, 1941: the Empire of Japan strikes an early blow against the United States Navy at Pearl Harbor. In just a matter of hours, the era of the battleship would come to an end and the age of the aircraft carrier would begin. In June 1942, the Imperial Japanese Navy and its carrier fleet would try to seize the initiative again by attacking the island of Midway. What unfolds is an epic carrier duel, the likes of which the world has never seen. In the end, Japan would never recover from the losses at Midway, and the United States would carry this momentum until Japan's ultimate defeat.
During World War I, Britain's naval supremacy enabled it to impose economic blockades and interdiction of American neutral shipping. The United States responded by building 'a navy second to none', one so powerful that Great Britain could not again successfully challenge America's vital economic interests. This book reveals that when the United States offered to substitute naval equality for its emerging naval supremacy, the British, nonetheless, used the resulting two major international arms-control conferences of the 1920s to ensure its continued naval dominance.
"Marytanov explains why and how the US armed forces have lost the military supremacy they thought they once had and how Russia, which supposedly had been defeated in the Cold War, succeeded not only in catching up with USA, but actually surpassing it in many key domains such as long range cruise missiles, diesel-electric submarines, air defenses, electronic warfare, air superiority and many others. Andrei Martyanov's book is an absolute 'must read' for any person wanting to understand the reality of modern warfare and super-power competition." THE SAKER While exceptionalism is not unique to America, the intensity of their conviction and its global ramifications are. This view of its exceptionalism has led the US to grossly misinterpret—sometimes deliberately—the causative factors of key events of the past two centuries. Accordingly, the wrong conclusions have been derived, and very wrong lessons learned. Nowhere has this been more manifest than in American military thought and its actual application of military power. Time after time the American military has failed to match lofty declarations about its superiority, producing instead a mediocre record of military accomplishments. Starting from the Korean War the United States hasn’t won a single war against a technologically inferior, but mentally tough enemy. The technological dimension of American “strategy” has completely overshadowed any concern with the social, cultural, operational and even tactical requirements of military (and political) conflict. With a new Cold War with Russia emerging, the United States enters a new period of geopolitical turbulence completely unprepared in any meaningful way—intellectually, economically, militarily or culturally—to face a reality which was hidden for the last 70+ years behind the curtain of never-ending Chalabi moments and a strategic delusion concerning Russia, whose history the US viewed through a Solzhenitsified caricature kept alive by a powerful neocon lobby, which even today dominates US policy makers’ minds. Martyanov’s former Soviet military background enables deep insight into the fundamental issues of warfare and military power as a function of national power—assessed correctly, not through the lens of Wall Street “economic” indices and a FIRE economy, but through the numbers of enclosed technological cycles and culture, much of which has been shaped in Russia by continental warfare and which is practically absent in the US.