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In the late 1970s, new generations of nuclear delivery systems were proposed for deployment across Eastern and Western Europe. The ensuing controversy grew to become a key phase in the late Cold War. This book explores the origins, unfolding, and consequences of that crisis. Contributors from international relations, political science, sociology, and history draw on extensive research in a number of countries, often employing declassified documents from the West and from the newly opened state and party archives of many Soviet bloc countries. They cover especially Soviet-Warsaw Pact relations, U.S.-NATO relations, and the role of public opinion worldwide in relation to the crisis.
In this new Brookings Marshall Paper, Michael O'Hanlon argues that now is the time for Western nations to negotiate a new security architecture for neutral countries in eastern Europe to stabilize the region and reduce the risks of war with Russia. He believes NATO expansion has gone far enough. The core concept of this new security architecture would be one of permanent neutrality. The countries in question collectively make a broken-up arc, from Europe's far north to its south: Finland and Sweden; Ukraine, Moldova, and Belarus; Georgia, Armenia, and Azerbaijan; and finally Cyprus plus Serbia, as well as possibly several other Balkan states. Discussion on the new framework should begin within NATO, followed by deliberation with the neutral countries themselves, and then formal negotiations with Russia. The new security architecture would require that Russia, like NATO, commit to help uphold the security of Ukraine, Georgia, Moldova, and other states in the region. Russia would have to withdraw its troops from those countries in a verifiable manner; after that, corresponding sanctions on Russia would be lifted. The neutral countries would retain their rights to participate in multilateral security operations on a scale comparable to what has been the case in the past, including even those operations that might be led by NATO. They could think of and describe themselves as Western states (or anything else, for that matter). If the European Union and they so wished in the future, they could join the EU. They would have complete sovereignty and self-determination in every sense of the word. But NATO would decide not to invite them into the alliance as members. Ideally, these nations would endorse and promote this concept themselves as a more practical way to ensure their security than the current situation or any other plausible alternative.
Spawned by the Cold War, NATO�s existence was justified by Soviet threats to Western Europe. That raison d�être is long gone with the collapse of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War. Still NATO globalized relentlessly, moving from defensive to offensive under pretexts of humanitarianism, starting with Yugoslavia, then East Africa, Afghanistan, and most recently Libya, acting as an arm of the Pentagon. The danger to global equilibrium is a growing NATO being expanded further by American and British ambitions into a monster military force of world proportions, way beyond any Atlantic or European alliance. NATO expansion, intrusive military hardware, such as cyber technology/interference and the murderous capacity of drones is threatening North/South peace. The creeping NATO expansion into Asia, the attempt to surround Russia, China and others can only end badly for the billions of human beings involved. The recent mini-US occupation of Australia, the interference in the ASEAN countries by US arms dealers and naval forces, the menacing presence of US aircraft carriers in the Indian Ocean, the South China Sea and the Strait of Malacca should remind historians of just why the Japanese considered it necessary to attack Pearl Harbor to end the US naval strangle hold imposed upon them.NATO as it expands today is absolutely not what the world of struggling economies and deprived populations require. It is nothing, but a negative force. "I hope this book will be read by very, very many who can turn this morbid fascination with violence into constructive conflict resolution." �Johan GALTUNG, Professor Emeritus of Peace Studies and Sociology at the University of Oslo "Mahdi Darius Nazemroaya�s prolific writings give us a comprehensive understanding of the character of the military thrust and it�s all out, no holds barred STRATEGIC plans and moves to invade, occupy and plunder the resources of nations, inflict unprecedented barbaric acts on the civil populations. He is one the prescient thinkers and writers in contemporary times who deserves to be read and acted upon by people with a conscience and concern for humanity�s future".�VISHNU BHAGWAT, Admiral and Chief of the Naval Staff of India (1996-1998): Mumbai, India. "This book is a must read for those committed to reversing the tide of war and imperial conquest by the world�s foremost military machine". �MICHEL CHOSSUDOVSKY, Professor Emeritus
This open access volume surveys the state of the field to examine whether a fifth wave of deterrence theory is emerging. Bringing together insights from world-leading experts from three continents, the volume identifies the most pressing strategic challenges, frames theoretical concepts, and describes new strategies. The use and utility of deterrence in today’s strategic environment is a topic of paramount concern to scholars, strategists and policymakers. Ours is a period of considerable strategic turbulence, which in recent years has featured a renewed emphasis on nuclear weapons used in defence postures across different theatres; a dramatic growth in the scale of military cyber capabilities and the frequency with which these are used; and rapid technological progress including the proliferation of long-range strike and unmanned systems. These military-strategic developments occur in a polarized international system, where cooperation between leading powers on arms control regimes is breaking down, states widely make use of hybrid conflict strategies, and the number of internationalized intrastate proxy conflicts has quintupled over the past two decades. Contemporary conflict actors exploit a wider gamut of coercive instruments, which they apply across a wider range of domains. The prevalence of multi-domain coercion across but also beyond traditional dimensions of armed conflict raises an important question: what does effective deterrence look like in the 21st century? Answering that question requires a re-appraisal of key theoretical concepts and dominant strategies of Western and non-Western actors in order to assess how they hold up in today’s world. Air Commodore Professor Dr. Frans Osinga is the Chair of the War Studies Department of the Netherlands Defence Academy and the Special Chair in War Studies at the University Leiden. Dr. Tim Sweijs is the Director of Research at The Hague Centre for Strategic Studies and a Research Fellow at the Faculty of Military Sciences of the Netherlands Defence Academy in Breda.
The emergence of the European Security and Defense Policy (ESDP) in the last two-thirds of the 1990s and continuing into the new century, has been a complex process intertwining politics, economics, national cultures, and numerous institutions. This book provides an essential background for understanding how security issues as between NATO and the European Union are being posed for the early part of the 21st century, including the new circumstances following the terrorist attacks in New York and Washington on September 11, 2001. This study should be of interest to those interested in the evolution of U.S.-European relations, especially in, but not limited to, the security field; the development of institutional relationships; and key choices that lie ahead in regard to these critical arrangements.
This book analyses the fifteen-year-long strategic partnership between NATO and the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC). The book goes on to address several key questions raised in the year since the inception of the Istanbul Cooperation Initiative (ICI): Is the initiative a framework for consultation on Gulf and regional security issues? Is it a security initiative or a defensive one? Even more importantly, how was this initiative developed? Was there a mutual eagerness, on the part of NATO or that of the four Gulf States, to develop it? Is it possible for the initiative to be redeveloped and have other dimensions and outlooks in the future? Throughout the book, the author provides a comprehensive understanding and assessment of NATO's policies and their impact on the security of the Arab Gulf region.