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This book assesses Mongolia's position in the security calculus of Northeast Asia and presents the policy outlooks of major powers vis-a-vis the region, including the United States, Japan, China, Russia and India. Ground-breaking and modernistic in its approach, the book treats the often marginalised and landlocked small power state of Mongolia as a critical regional actor, particularly with regards to managing ties with encircling major powers Russia and China and assist in engaging the nuclear state of North Korea through dialogue mechanisms. Through a compilation of chapters by distinguished scholars, the volume explores Mongolia in the Northeast Asian geographical space within the context of three major themes: nuclear proliferation, environmental security, and socio-economic and civilisational conflicts. The book provides a multidisciplinary and multinational approach to Mongolia's role in the region's strategic landscape. It moves the regional security discussion beyond major power politics, North Korea's denuclearisation and the impasse on the Korean Peninsula to discuss and analyse other underappreciated challenges facing the region. Considering Mongolia's role in achieving peace and stability in the neighbourhood, the book will be a valuable resource for researchers and readers in International Relations, Political Science and Asian Studies.
This book assesses Mongolia’s position in the security calculus of Northeast Asia and presents the policy outlooks of major powers vis-a-vis the region, including the United States, Japan, China, Russia, and India. Ground-breaking and modernistic in its approach, the book treats the often marginalised and landlocked small power state of Mongolia as a critical regional actor, particularly with regards to managing ties with encircling major powers Russia and China and assist in engaging the nuclear state of North Korea through dialogue mechanisms. This compilation of chapters by distinguished scholars explores Mongolia in the Northeast Asian geographical space within the context of three major themes: nuclear proliferation, environmental security, and socio-economic and civilisational conflicts. The book provides a multidisciplinary and multinational approach to Mongolia’s role in the region's strategic landscape. It moves the regional security discussion beyond major power politics, North Korea's denuclearisation, and the impasse on the Korean Peninsula to discuss and analyse other underappreciated challenges facing the region. Considering Mongolia’s role in achieving peace and stability in the neighbourhood, the book will be a valuable resource for researchers and readers in International Relations, Political Science, and Asian Studies.
Sustainable Peace in Northeast Asia examines the causes of lasting and complex tensions in the region from underlying political, historical, military and economic perspectives; discusses their historical development and political-economic implications for the world; and explores possible solutions to build lasting peace. The book is unique in that it approaches the topic from the historical perspective of each constituent country in the region. Major global powers such as the United States and Russia have also closely engaged in the political and economic affairs of this region through a network of alliances, diplomacy, trade and investment. The book also discusses the influence of these external powers over the crisis, their political and economic objectives in the region, their strategies and the dynamics that their engagement has created. Both South Korea and North Korea have sought reunification of the Korean peninsula, which will have a substantial impact on the region. The book examines its justification, feasibility and effects for the region. The book discusses the role of Mongolia in the context of the power dynamics in Northeast Asia. A relatively small country, in terms of its population, Mongolia has rarely been examined in this context; Sustainable Peace in Northeast Asia makes a fresh assessment of its potential role.
Drawing on cutting-edge research from leading scholars, this book investigates state preferences for regime creation and assesses state capacity for executing these preferences in Northeast Asia’s energy domain, defined as the geographical area comprising the following countries: Russia, Mongolia, China, Japan, South Korea and North Korea. It examines questions pertaining to how states perceive the need and necessity for establishing a regime when it comes to the issue of energy and how much commitment they make to the effort in Northeast Asia. The book analyses the factors that shape each country’s fundamental energy interests in the region, how these interests impact their attitudes toward engaging the region on energy security and the way they carry out their regional engagement. Based on countries’ interests in promoting institutionalized regional energy cooperation and their capacity for forging that cooperation, the collection assesses each state’s role in contributing to an energy regime in Northeast Asia. It then concludes with a critique on the decade-plus quest for energy security cooperation in Northeast Asia and suggests ways forward for facilitating regional energy security cooperation. This book will be of great interest to scholars and students of environmental policy, energy policy, security studies, Asian studies and international relations.
For more than two decades, the USSR promoted the idea of multilateral security cooperation in Asia. Under Mikhail Gorbachev, this was referred to as "a Helsinki process for Asia" or a "Conference on Security and Cooperation in Asia" (CSCA) to parallel Europe's CSCE. Until the end of the 1980s, such an idea was frozen along the lines of the Cold War. East Asian governments dismissed the idea of a CSCA as Cold War propaganda or, at best, an untransferable European concept ill-suited to East Asia.
As a result of the Aigun (1858) and Beijing Treaties (1860) Russia had become a participant in international relations of Northeast Asia, but historiography has underestimated the presence of Russia and the USSR in this region. This collection elucidates how Russia's expansion affected early Meiji Japan's policy towards Korea and the late Qing Empire's Manchurian reform. Russia participated in the mega-imperial system of transportation and customs control in Northern China and created a transnational community around the Chinese Eastern Railway and Harbin City. The collection vividly describes daily life of the emigre Russians' community in Harbin after 1917. The collection investigates mutual images between the Russians and Japanese through the prism of the descriptions of the Japanese Imperial House in Russian newspapers and memoirs written by Russian POWs in and after the Russo-Japanese War and war journalism during this war. The first Soviet ambassador in Japan, V. Kopp, proposed to restore the division of spheres of interest between Russia and Japan during the tsarist era and thus conflicted People's Commissar of Foreign Affairs, G. Chicherin, the Soviet ambassador in Beijing, L. Karakhan, and Stalin, since the latter group was more loyal to the cause of China's national liberation. As a whole, the collection argues that it is difficult to understand the modern history of Northeast Asia without taking the Russian factor seriously.
From 30 January to 1 February 2019 the Daniel K. Inouye Asia-Pacific Center forSecurity Studies hosted a Department of Defense Regional Center collaborationtitled "China's Global Reach: A Security Assessment." The goal of the workshopwas to leverage expertise and unique perspectives from all five Regional Centersto examine the actions and intentions of the People's Republic of China. To understand how these global activities impact the United States, this analysis was conducted within the context of the PRC's perspective of its own foreign policy, as well as under a state of strategic competition, as referenced in the 2017 National Security Strategy and 2018 National Defense Strategy. The workshopleveraged the insights gained from a broad range of experts to formulate policyrecommendations for defending state interests in the face of growing PRC assertiveness. Thescholarship, insights, and recommendations of the participants are collected in this volumefor the benefit of policy-makers, practitioners,and scholars.
Japan and South Korea are Western-style democracies with open-market economies committed to the rule of law. They are also U.S. allies. Yet despite their shared interests, shared values, and geographic proximity, divergent national identities have driven a wedge between them. Drawing on decades of expertise, Brad Glosserman and Scott A. Snyder investigate the roots of this split and its ongoing threat to the region and the world. Glosserman and Snyder isolate competing notions of national identity as the main obstacle to a productive partnership between Japan and South Korea. Through public opinion data, interviews, and years of observation, they show how fundamentally incompatible, rapidly changing conceptions of national identity in Japan and South Korea—and not struggles over power or structural issues—have complicated territorial claims and international policy. Despite changes in the governments of both countries and concerted efforts by leading political figures to encourage U.S.–ROK–Japan security cooperation, the Japan–South Korea relationship continues to be hobbled by history and its deep imprint on ideas of national identity. This book recommends bold, policy-oriented prescriptions for overcoming problems in Japan–South Korea relations and facilitating trilateral cooperation among these three Northeast Asian allies, recognizing the power of the public on issues of foreign policy, international relations, and the prospects for peace in Asia.
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The Northeast Asian security environment is closely linked to Korea’s growth perspectives for the future. The spectacular rise of the South Korean economy in the past half century, also known as “Miracle on the Han River,” has been duly highlighted as one of the most successful cases of economic development worldwide. However, among the factors curbing South Korea’s growth perspectives has been, from the very beginning of its rise, the coexistence of the difficult neighbour to the North, Democratic People’s Republic of Korea. While in the cold war this coexistence has been taken as inevitable, after the end of the cold war there were hopes to overcome this obstacle to further growth either through collapse or enhanced cooperation with the North, neither of which became reality. North Korea’s unprecedented aggressiveness and development of long-range ballistic missiles and nuclear devices, made this threat truly an international question with multilateral talks coming into existence as ad-hoc measures to cope with the nuclear crisis. It was then that the idea of a Northeast Asian Security Community was born. The contributions in this book discuss how a peaceful solution of the security problems could not only enhance stability of Korea’s economy and reduce the defense burden considerably (the so-called peace dividend), but would facilitate regional investments safer and regional solutions for common economic problems. When discussing the possibilities of a security framework or, in an institutionalized form, security community, in Northeast Asia, the authors in this volume are realistic as to not fall into the trap of wishful thinking, which so often has characterized approaches to North Korea resulting in disappointment. The past two years again saw the rising of tensions in Northeast Asia and the masterful way in which even an impoverished and isolated country can play its cards. While it seems a new ice age between the two Koreas is possible, nevertheless and maybe even more than ever the search for a stable security framework for Northeast Asia as a precondition for peaceful economic cooperation and development will go on. The chapters in this volume contribute to the ongoing debate to secure peace and development in Northeast Asia, making this book of interest to both academics and policy-makers alike.