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Admired by Marx and Engels, the Surrealists, the Situationists, Walter Benjamin and Roland Barthes, the great utopian socialist Charles Fourier (1772-1837) has been many things to many people: a proto-feminist, a Surrealist ancestor, a cantankerous cosmologist, a social critic and humorist and to this day one of France's truest visionary thinkers. He was also, as this volume demonstrates, a maniacal taxonomist. In this zoological guidebook to cuckoldry and commerce, Fourier offers a caustic critique of the bankruptcy of marriage and the prostitution of the economy, and the hypocrisies of a civilization that over-regulates sexual congress while allowing the financial sector to screw over the public. Gathered together here for the first time are Fourier's two "Hierarchies" --humorously regimented parades of civilization's cheaters and cheated-on in the domestic sphere of sex and the economic sphere of buying and selling commodities. "The Hierarchy of Cuckoldry" --translated into English for the first time--presents 72 species of the male cuckold, ranging from such "common class" cases as the Health-Conscious Cuckolds, to the short-horned Sympathetic, Optimist and Mystical Cuckolds, and the Long-horned varieties of the Irate, Disgraced and Posthumous Cuckolds. For Fourier, these amount to 72 manifestations of women's "secret insurrection" against the institution of marriage. "The Hierarchy of Bankruptcy" presents 36 species of the fraudulent bankrupt: a range of Light, Grandiose, and Contemptible shades of financial manipulators who force creditors, cities and even nations to bail them out of ultimately profitable bankruptcies. In these attacks on the morality of monogamy and the perils of laissez-faire capitalism, Fourier's "Hierarchies" resonate uncannily with our contemporary world.
In The Reception of Bodin an international and interdisciplinary team of seventeen scholars considers one of the most remarkable figures in European intellectual history, the sixteenth-century jurist and philosopher Jean Bodin, as a ‘prismatic agent’ in the transmission of ideas. The subject is approached in the light of reception theory coupled with critical evaluation of key texts as well as features of Bodin’s own career. Bodin is treated as recipient of knowledge gleaned from multifarious sources, and his readers as receivers responding diversely to his work in various contexts and from various standpoints. The volume provides searching insights both into Bodin’s mental world and into processes that served to cross-fertilise European intellectual life from the Renaissance to the Enlightenment. Contributors include Ann Blair, Harald E. Braun, Glenn Burgess, Peter Burke, Vittor Ivo Comparato, Marie-Dominique Couzinet, Luc Foisneau, Robert von Friedeburg, Mark Greengrass, Virginia Krause, Johannes Machielsen, Christian Martin, Sara Miglietti, Diego Quaglioni, Jonathan Schüz, Michaela Valente.
The Republican Alternative seeks to move beyond the mere notion of scholarly inquiry into the republic—the subject of recent rediscovery by political historians interested in Europe’s intellectual heritage—by investigating the practical similarities and differences between two early modern republics, as well as their self-images and interactions during the turbulent seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Among the world’s most economically successful societies, Switzerland and the Netherlands laid much of the foundation for their prosperity during the early modern period discussed here. This volume attempts to clarify the special character of these two countries as they developed, including issues of religious plurality, the republican form of government, and an increasingly commercially-driven agrarian society.
The purpose of this volume is to challenge the assumption that Westphalia brought an end to more than a century of religious conflicts and marked the beginning of a new era in which secular power politics were the motivating factors in international relations and warfare. It also reconceptualizes the relationship between war, foreign policy, and religion during the period 1648 to 1713.
'Bastard Feudalism' is the term historians give to the tie that bound late medieval retainers to their lords, and allowed those lords in turn to wield the political power, and cut the figure, appropriate to their rank. Without it, the late medieval aristocracy would not have been able to rule their localities, and fight the wars (at home as well as abroad) that were such a prominent feature of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. It is thus of fundamental importance to our understanding of the late medieval world - its warfare, local government, justice and public order, as well as its politics and social structure. But bastard feudalism had a longer-term significance, too: by involving payment (rather than the grant of land) in return for service, it contributed to the increasing mobility of society that marks the transition to the early modern world. This major work now offers the most radical reinterpretation of the subject for fifty years, transforming our understanding of it and setting a fresh agenda for future work in the field. Michael Hicks argues that bastard feudalism started far earlier and lasted far longer than scholars have traditionally allowed; and that it was far more complex - and often much more positive - in its effects than its conventional image as a source of instability and abuse. Traditionally the concept has been linked almost exclusively to the non-resident gentry of 1300-1500 (the so-called indentured retainers). This book by contrast deals with the period from 1150 to 1650, and reveals more continuity than change over the five centuries it spans. It demonstrates that the most important retainers throughout the period were in fact the members of the lord's own household and the tenants of his estates, men whose bonds with their lord were particularly strong and enduring. Indentured retainers were unusual, and had all but disappeared by 1470. Because these ties were stable, Professor Hicks argues, society founded on them was also predominantly stable. While bastard feudalism could be used to pervert justice and promote violence and civil war, he shows that its prime functions were peaceful and ceremonial, and that it normally operated within the law and was increasingly regulated by it.
The emergence of the state in Europe is a topic that has engaged historians since the establishment of the discipline of history. Yet the primary focus of has nearly always been to take a top-down approach, whereby the formation and consolidation of public institutions is viewed as the outcome of activities by princes and other social elites. Yet, as the essays in this collection show, such an approach does not provide a complete picture. By investigating the importance of local and individual initiatives that contributed to state building from the late middle ages through to the nineteenth century, this volume shows how popular pressure could influence those in power to develop new institutional structures. By not privileging the role of warfare and of elite coercion for state building, it is possible to question the traditional top-down model and explore the degree to which central agencies might have been more important for state representation than for state practice. The studies included in this collection treat many parts of Europe and deal with different phases in the period between the late middle ages and the nineteenth century. Beginning with a critical review of state historiography, the introduction then sets out the concept of 'empowering interactions' which is then explored in the subsequent case studies and a number of historiographical, methodological and theoretical essays. Taken as a whole this collection provides a fascinating platform to reconsider the relationships between top-down and bottom-up processes in the history of the European state.
This volume examines the history of a complex and varied body of ideas over a period of more than a thousand years.