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Liberia's new government has made security sector transformation a high priority. The authors analyze Liberia's complex security environment, set forth an integrated security concept to guide the formation and use of those forces and assemble a complete security structure. They develop specific force-structure options, discuss the cost-effectiveness of each, and suggest immediate steps toward implementation of the new security structure.
The reform and the democratic control of the security sector-and the joining together of security and development-have become a major focus of international intervention into post-conflict societies. In theory, security sector reform (SSR) programs derive from a comprehensive national defense and security review. They involve, at the core, the transformation of a country's military and police forces-but they also involve a comprehensive review and restructuring of intelligence services, the penitentiary, the judiciary, and other agencies charged in some way with preserving and promoting the safety and security of the state and its citizenry. However, the process of SSR in Liberia, supported by the United Nations, the United States, and a number of bilateral donors, is far more rudimentary than the conceptual paradigm suggests. It is aimed simply at the training and equipping of the army and the police, with little attention or resources being devoted to the other components of the security system.
The author presents an explanatory overview and analysis of progress made with the process of security sector reform in Liberia -- with particular reference to the armed forces and the police. The author begins with a concise review of what the theory of SSR and its application in the Liberian context and follows with a description of Liberia's post-war security architecture and the urgent need for a comprehensive and sustained process of reform. An overview of the legal and conceptual framework for engaging in SSR in Liberia is provided as further backdrop to substantive sections dealing with the reform (or re-building) of the Armed Forces of Liberia and the Liberia National Police. The author concludes with a critical analysis of the SSR process and recommendations for further action.
The most recent Ebola epidemic that began in late 2013 alerted the entire world to the gaps in infectious disease emergency preparedness and response. The regional outbreak that progressed to a significant public health emergency of international concern (PHEIC) in a matter of months killed 11,310 and infected more than 28,616. While this outbreak bears some unique distinctions to past outbreaks, many characteristics remain the same and contributed to tragic loss of human life and unnecessary expenditure of capital: insufficient knowledge of the disease, its reservoirs, and its transmission; delayed prevention efforts and treatment; poor control of the disease in hospital settings; and inadequate community and international responses. Recognizing the opportunity to learn from the countless lessons of this epidemic, the National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine convened a workshop in March 2015 to discuss the challenges to successful outbreak responses at the scientific, clinical, and global health levels. Workshop participants explored the epidemic from multiple perspectives, identified important questions about Ebola that remained unanswered, and sought to apply this understanding to the broad challenges posed by Ebola and other emerging pathogens, to prevent the international community from being taken by surprise once again in the face of these threats. This publication summarizes the presentations and discussions from the workshop.
The twentieth-century history of Cuba borders on fantasy. This diminutive country boldly and repeatedly exercises the foreign policy of a major power. Although closely tied to the United States through most of its modern history, Cuba successfully defied the U.S. government after 1959, consolidated its own power, and defeated an invasion of U.S.-backed exiles at the Bay of Pigs in 1961. Fidel Castro then brought the world alarmingly close to nuclear war in 1962. Jorge Domínguez presents a comprehensive survey of Cuban international relations since Castro came to power. Domínguez unravels Cuba's response to the 1962 missile crisis and the U.S.-Soviet understandings that emerged from that. He explores the ties that link Cuba to the U.S.S.R. and other Communist countries; analyzes Cuban support for revolutionary movements throughout the world, especially in Latin America and Africa; and assesses the significance of Cuban political and economic relations with Western Europe, Canada, and Japan. Some have charged that Cuba does not have a foreign policy, that Fidel Castro merely takes orders from his Soviet bosses. Domínguez argues that there is indeed a specifically Cuban foreign policy, poised not only between hegemony and autonomy, between compliance and self-assertion, but also between militancy and pragmatism. He believes that within the context of Soviet hegemony Cuba's foreign policy is very much its own, and he marshals impressive evidence to support this belief. His book is based on extensive documentation from Cuba, the United States, and other countries, as well as from many in-depth interviews carried out during trips to Cuba.
Our founders had envisioned a great country and a great democracy. The color of the Liberian national flag and the form of government and the Liberian Constitution are telltale signs. Liberians living both at home and in the diaspora know that our country is headed in the wrong direction. From one failed leadership to another poor governance, the hopes of the people have been dashed or dismissed from one election cycle to the next. Politicians use false promises as a means to ascend to power, knowing they have selfish aims and ambitions to enrich themselves and their friends and families at the detriment of the poor Liberian people. The question now is, who can we trust? After 173 plus years, our country has not been able to make the transition from an agrarian society to a modern society where we have quality education that is accredited, a quality health-care system that is affordable and accessible, a country free from corruption, a country free from poverty, a quality road connectivity, safe drinking water, electricity, a justice system that has respect for the rule of law, a president who is more focused on development and modernization, and has respect for human lives. The majority of Liberians still live below the poverty line, and the gap between the haves and have-nots is still very big. We need a president with innovative thinking, who represents a generational change, and who can bring the Liberian people together rather than divide us into tribes and partisans. We need a leader who believers that we are one people, indivisible, with unity and liberty and justice for all. We need a president who believes that the task of this generation is to preserve the government of the people, by the people, and for the people. We may never recover economically, or it may be very difficult for us to recover should the current administration win the next election or should we elect the wrong president. This is why I felt compelled to write this book as a caution to my fellow countrymen. We are at a crossroads in our history. The decision we will make in the 2023 presidential elections will determine our destiny. We can either choose a better and brighter future, or we can throw ourselves further backward. Our leaders of the past and most recent have been bankrupt in their thinking, and what we need now is a visionary and an energetic president backed by a group of leaders who believe in building a better Liberia than what our generation has inherited. When we do that, future generations will look back on us and say about us that this was the generation that rose up to the occasion and finally solved Liberia’s challenges. This is the time to restore democracy and integrity to the Liberian presidency. Please read this book, my fellow Liberians, and let us sit back and consider the consequences and implications of the 2023 presidential elections. As Americans will say, “This is the most consequential election.”
From Civil Strife to Peace Building examines peace-building efforts in the fragile West African states of Sierra Leone, Liberia, and Côte d’Ivoire, with a focus on the role of the private sector in leading the reconstruction initiatives. Given that aid and debt relief, the traditional remedies for dependency and underdevelopment, have not been effective, the private sector is increasingly viewed as a major player in the revival of regional economies. Private sector support, however, requires government intervention to improve investment climates, curb corruption, strengthen the security sector, and reduce the cost of doing business. The contributors discuss ways in which West African governments can encourage the greater involvement of business in humanitarian support with incentives that demonstrate alignment with business objectives and profit margins, making humanitarian support simple and, more importantly, profitable and sustainable for both local and foreign investors. Co-published with the Centre for International Governance Innovation (CIGI)
This book addresses the important question of how the United Nations (UN) should monitor and evaluate the impact of police in its peace operations. UN peace operations are a vital component of international conflict management. Since the end of the Cold War one of the foremost developments has been the rise of UN policing (UNPOL). Instances of UNPOL action have increased dramatically in number and have evolved from passive observation to participation in frontline law enforcement activities. Attempts to ascertain the impact of UNPOL activities have proven inadequate. This book seeks to redress this lacuna by investigating the ways in which the effects of peace operations – and UNPOL in particular – are monitored and evaluated. Furthermore, it aims to develop a framework, tested through field research in Liberia, for Monitoring and Evaluation (M&E) that enables more effective impact assessment. By enhancing the relationship between field-level M&E and organisational learning this research aims to make an important contribution to the pursuit of more professional and effective UN peace operations. This book will be of much interest to students of peace operations, conflict management, policing, security studies and IR in general.
The authors explore the definition of Security sector reform (SSR) as it has emerged in the international community. The makeup of the security sector is examined, principles are identified for implementing SSR, and outcomes SSR is intended to produce are specified. Supporting case studies assess specific SSR programs. The authors conclude that those conducting SSR programs must understand and continually revisit the policy goals of SSR programs so as to develop concepts that support a transitional process that moves forward over time. State actors must acknowledge and often accommodate nonstate security actors more effectively in SSR planning and implementation, while recognizing both the advantages and the risks of collaborating with such actors. The authors also note the need for more flexible and better integrated funding processes. (Originally published by the Strategic Studies Institute.)