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This volume analyzes the cultural origins, precedents, influences and aspirations of the contemporary Chinese artists.
This book provides the first detailed analysis of a crucial and distinctive element of Chinese foreign policy. Anne-Marie Brady follows the development of the Chinese Communist Party's 'foreign affairs' system since 1921, focusing on waishi, the external policies intended to influence and control both foreigners themselves as well as Chinese citizens' contact with and perception of outsiders. The term also comprises China's external relations—both official state-to-state and so-called unofficial or 'people-to-people' diplomacy. In effect, waishi activities encompass all matters related to foreigners and foreign things, not merely diplomacy. By managing the foreign presence in China and China's contacts with the outside world and by controlling the Chinese population, the author argues that waishi has proven to be one of the most effective tools in the CCP's repertoire for building and then sustaining its hold on power. Drawing for the first time on policy documents that underpin the phenomena they describe, Brady analyzes trends and developments in waishi during each chronological period. The book elucidates how the CCP's policies evolved: In the 1930s, the need for a broad united front in international relations warred with the desire to control the foreign presence in China; in the 1940s and 1950s, the Sino-Soviet alliance and ridding China of the traces of the 'semi-colonial' past took precedence; in the 1960s, the Sino-Soviet split led to China's claim as the center of world revolution; and in the past twenty years of reform, the focus has been the ongoing quest to create a modern nation-state as China opens up to the outside world. The author considers waishi's deeper meaning as an overriding approach to the 'foreign,' which links state-to-state diplomacy with the management of the foreign presence in China. Her groundbreaking research is based on a previously unexplored genre of waishi materials (almost all classified) in Chinese, extensive interviews with waishi officials and foreign participants of the system, as well as archival research inside and outside of China. The photograph used on the cover of the book was doctored by the Chinese government. The original photograph showed Edgar Snow standing on the Tiananmen podium with (reading from left to right) Snow, translator Ji Chaozhu, Mao Zedong, and Edgar Snow's wife, Lois Wheeler Snow. In the book's cover photograph, which was released internationally, Lois Wheeler Snow has been replaced by Lin Biao—at the time Mao's number two—shown prominently clutching Quotations from Mao Zedong, otherwise known as the Little Red Book. Lin Biao was no doubt inserted not only to show his ranking in the leadership but also to demonstrate that the shift towards rapprochement with the West which the Snow's visit to China in 1970 represented, was supported by the CCP's radical left as symbolized by Lin Biao.
当代中国文化源自中华优秀传统文化，根植于当代中国实践。中国将文化建设纳入中国特色社会主义事业总体布局，推动文化的现代化，提高社会文明程度。本书在概述新中国文化建设演进的基础上，重点介绍21世纪以来中国的思想文化建设，人民文化权益的保障，新道德新风尚的铸造，文学艺术与哲学社会科学的发展，教育科技的进步，文化遗产的保护传承，宗教文化的发展状况，当代文化产业的格局以及对外文化交流的状况，等等，整体呈现当前中国文化的样貌。 Contemporary China’s culture is derived from traditional culture and rooted in contemporary practice. Presenting a general picture of cultural development in the People’s Republic of China, the book mainly focuses on China’s ideological and cultural building, cultural rights and interests, new moral and ethical trends, development of literature, art, philosophy and social sciences, advancement of education and technology, cultural heritage protection and inheritance, development of religious culture, contemporary cultural industry and foreign cultural exchanges in the 21st century.
This title was first published in 1979. The "reopening" of China in 1971 by President Richard Nixon has already been regarded as a turning point of China's foreign policy and international politics. It has facilitated the reestablishment of Peking's diplomatic relations after the Cultural Revolution, broadened the dimension of China' s international political, economic, and cultural activities, and promoted China's campaign against hegemonism of the superpowers. Its impact on China' s relationships with the outside world, particularly the United States and Third World countries, is immeasurable. This volume explores the the "three-world" theory is China's (Mao Tse-tung's) new concept of world politics after the Sino-American rapprochement. This concept, originally developed from the Soviet "twocamp" theory of 1947, has an immediate connection with Peking's "intermediate zone" theory of 1964.
Marxism initiated a new era not only for people to fight for socialist future, but also for each discipline of sciences to witness profound changes. In such a context, literature, which has always been closely related to politics, will inevitably move toward a new direction. This book is composed of two parts. Part One studies the development of literary theories in contemporary China from a Marxist perspective. It introduces the basic ideas of Marxist literary theories as well as their spread and development in China, such as the combination of the theories and Chinese revolutionary literature. Moreover, it discusses the challenges facing Marxist literary theories in the 21st century under the background of diversification of literature and art, in terms of theory and practice, and high technologies which brought about electronic writing and digital communication of literary works. The second part elucidates the author’s insights into major issues concerning literary theories (e.g. the relationship between literature and people, literature and reality, perception and rationality in literary creation, etc.) This book will appeal to scholars and students of literary aesthetics and Chinese literary and cultural studies. People who are interested in history of contemporary Chinese literature will also benefit from this book.
When Chinese leaders announced in late 1978 that China would "open to the outside world," they embarked on a strategy for attracting private foreign capital to spur economic development. At the same time, they were concerned about possible negative repercussions of this policy. Margaret Pearson examines government efforts to control the terms of foreign investment between 1979 and 1988 and, more broadly, the abilities of socialist states in general to establish the terms of their own participation in the world economy. Drawing on interviews with Chinese and foreigners involved in joint ventures, Pearson focuses on the years from 1979 through 1988, but she also comments on the fate of the "open" policy following the economic retrenchment and political upheavals of the late 1980s. "Since the policy of `opening' was launched in Beijing in 1979 some Chinese leaders have favoured foreign investment, while others have feared that it would carry ideas and institutions that would corrupt Chinese socialism. This study of Chinese policies toward foreign-invested enterprises (FIFs) during the 1980s broadly charts significant changes in the impact of these competing views on policy. . . . Pearson's overview and analysis provide thought-provoking perspectives. . . . Pearson furnishes excellent evidence that throughout the 1980s the pressure for reform was so great that the conservatives had to retreat repeatedly, despite their concerns about the decline of collectivist values and the Maoist dream."--Stanley Lubman, The China Quarterly
What can we do about China? Gloria Davies pursues this inquiry through a wide range of contemporary topics, including the changing fortunes of radicalism, the peculiarities of Chinese postmodernism, shifts within official discourse, attempts to revive Confucianism for present-day China, and the historically problematic engagement of Chinese intellectuals with Western ideas.
Nathan explored the roots of the Tiananmen tragedy in Deng Xiaoping's ten-year reform. How will cultural values and attitudes shape China's political development? What will be the impact of Taiwan, Hong Kong, and the West? Drawing on ground-breaking empirical research, Nathan measures the expectations of individual Chinese and their attitudes toward government and democracy.