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Sir Frederick Lugard ranks as one of Britain most distinguished colonial administrators, although he remains a controversial figure. During his five years as Governor of Hong Kong -- a brief spell in the middle of a long and dramatic career in Africa -- Lugard found in educational reform the scope he needed to make a lasting impression and give play to his imperialist theories and instincts. The University of Hong Kong owes its existence to the initiative and tenacity of Lugard. His purpose in founding the University was to produce a new, highly educated middle class trained in Western technology and the English language: a vanguard of increased British influence in the east. This book paints a very human picture of Lugard as a working governor in the relative stability of Hong Kong against a backdrop of the Chinese empire being torn apart by revolution.
Essays examine the relationship between Hong Kong and China.
This book reviews the medical history of Hong Kong, beginning with its birth as a British colony. It introduces the origins of Hong Kong’s medical education, which began in 1887 when the London Missionary Society set up the Hong Kong College of Medicine for Chinese. When the University of Hong Kong was established in 1911, the College became its medical faculty. The faculty has gained distinction over the years for innovative surgical techniques, for discovering the SARS virus and for its contribution to advances in medical and health sciences. This book is meant for general readers as well as medical practitioners. It is a work for anyone interested in Hong Kong or in medical education.
Despite globalizing forces, whether economic, political, or cultural, there remain conspicuous differences that divide scholarly communities. How should we understand and respond to those discursive gaps among different traditions and systems of knowledge production? Critical Zone is a book series in cultural and literary studies that is concerned with current critical debates and intellectual preoccupations in the humanities. The series aims to improve understanding across cultures, traditions, discourses, and disciplines, and to produce international critical knowledge. Critical Zone is an expression of timely collaboration among scholars from Hong Kong, mainland China, the United States, and Europe, and conceived as an intellectual bridge between China and the rest of the world. The second volume of Critical Zone, as does its predecessor, consists of two parts. The first part includes original essays that deal with the concept and practice of "empire," as a collective response to the question of how imperial formations and operations, in the past and at present, should be examined in a larger context of international politics and how historical imperialism may be considered in relation to the conditions of our time. Part II includes two sets of translations of essays, first published in Chinese, about two recent debates in China: one on the canonicity of Lu Xun and the other on the problem of how to reform Peking University in the context of globalization. These two groups of translations are led by review essays that contextualize the debates.
The University of Hong Kong is one of Hong Kong’s largest single community enterprises. First incorporated as a self-governing body of scholars by the University Ordinance of 1911 its first faculties were formed from the Hong Kong College of Medicine founded in 1887. The growth and development of the University to its present internationally-recognized status is a continuing process, but the Council of the University has commissioned the writing and publication of this informal account as a sort of Festschrift for the first seventy years of its existence. After these years of vicissitude, including a complete break in its formal existence during the six years of 1942-47, it has emerged as one of the most influential single forces in the long process of creating an intellectual and cultural identity for the territory of Hong Kong.
Hong Kong and Macao have much in common. The dominant populations in both territories are Cantonese-speaking Chinese; both are small in area; both are urban societies; both have been colonies of European powers; and both have undergone political transition to reunification with China. Yet in education, for reasons that are analysed in this book, they are very different. The patters of similarities and differences in the two territories make a fascinating basis for comparative study. The overarching theme of the book, on continuity and change is particularly pertinent following the transition of the two societies of the postcolonial era. This thoroughly-revised and expanded second edition builds on the widely-acclaimed first edition. The work has been recognised as a significant contribution to the broad field of comparative education as well as to study of the specific societies which are its main focus.
Multiracial Britishness explores how British subjects of different 'races' collectively shaped what it means to be British today, focusing on 1910-45 Hong Kong. This book reframes the discussion about British identities and colonial Hong Kong, with clear implications for understanding Hong Kong's decolonisation, Brexit, and the Commonwealth.
When the British occupied the tiny island of Hong Kong during the First Opium War, the Chinese empire was well into its decline, while Great Britain was already in the second decade of its legendary "Imperial Century." From this collision of empires arose a city that continues to intrigue observers. Melding Chinese and Western influences, Hong Kong has long defied easy categorization. John M. Carroll's engrossing and accessible narrative explores the remarkable history of Hong Kong from the early 1800s through the post-1997 handover, when this former colony became a Special Administrative Region of the People's Republic of China. The book explores Hong Kong as a place with a unique identity, yet also a crossroads where Chinese history, British colonial history, and world history intersect. Carroll concludes by exploring the legacies of colonial rule, the consequences of Hong Kong's reintegration with China, and significant developments and challenges since 1997.
Nigeria is potentially one of the giants of Africa and indeed the world. Myopia and acrebral waste by functional semi-illiterate military dictators in khaki has ruined Nigeria and continues to ruin the country. The instinct of the military is akin to those of armed robbers, as they operate by force of arms over unarmed and defenceless civilians. Military rule imposed by force of arms against unarmed and defenceless civilians is government of the people, not by the people, and not for the people. Civilian rule is not always democratic rule. Civilian rule imposed upon the people by vote-rigging machines called political parties are as effective as guns as an instrument of oppression of the people and looting of the treasury. Civilian government of the people, not by the people, and not for the people, is exactly the same as military government, as they are the masters of the people. The people did not appoint them, and the people cannot sack them. Nigeria should be governed with the best interests of children at the forefront of all that is done. Their anticipated future needs must be the pillar of every plan. Nigerians are the country’s most important natural resource, and will last far longer than its gas and oil reserves. Treat the people well and the country will respond in kind. Above all, give the poor and their children the “tool” they need to fly Nigeria above the dark clouds that cover it.