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Based on over 300 in-depth interviews with company executives, business association representatives, and government officials, this study identifies a wide range of national economic policies influenced by lobbying, including taxes, technical standards, and intellectual property rights. These findings have significant implications for how we think about Chinese politics and economics, as well as government-business relations in general.
Lobbying America tells the story of the political mobilization of American business in the 1970s and 1980s. Benjamin Waterhouse traces the rise and ultimate fragmentation of a broad-based effort to unify the business community and promote a fiscally conservative, antiregulatory, and market-oriented policy agenda to Congress and the country at large. Arguing that business's political involvement was historically distinctive during this period, Waterhouse illustrates the changing power and goals of America's top corporate leaders. Examining the rise of the Business Roundtable and the revitalization of older business associations such as the National Association of Manufacturers and the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, Waterhouse takes readers inside the mind-set of the powerful CEOs who responded to the crises of inflation, recession, and declining industrial productivity by organizing an effective and disciplined lobbying force. By the mid-1970s, that coalition transformed the economic power of the capitalist class into a broad-reaching political movement with real policy consequences. Ironically, the cohesion that characterized organized business failed to survive the ascent of conservative politics during the 1980s, and many of the coalition's top goals on regulatory and fiscal policies remained unfulfilled. The industrial CEOs who fancied themselves the "voice of business" found themselves one voice among many vying for influence in an increasingly turbulent and unsettled economic landscape. Complicating assumptions that wealthy business leaders naturally get their way in Washington, Lobbying America shows how economic and political powers interact in the American democratic system.
Employers are increasingly recruiting their workers into politics to change elections and public policy-sometimes in coercive ways. Using a diverse array of evidence, including national surveys of workers and employers, as well as in-depth interviews with top corporate managers, Alexander Hertel-Fernandez's Politics at Work explains why mobilization of workers has become an appealing corporate political strategy in recent decades. The book also assesses the effect of employer mobilization on the political process more broadly, including its consequences for electoral contests, policy debates, and political representation. Hertel-Fernandez shows that while employer political recruitment has some benefits for American democracy-for instance, getting more workers to the polls-it also has troubling implications for our democratic system. Workers face considerable pressure to respond to their managers' political requests because of the economic power employers possess over workers. In spite of these worrisome patterns, Hertel-Fernandez found that corporate managers view the mobilization of their own workers as an important strategy for influencing politics. As he shows, companies consider mobilization of their workers to be even more effective at changing public policy than making campaign contributions or buying electoral ads. Hertel-Fernandez closes with an array of solutions that could protect workers from employer political coercion and could also win the support of majorities of Americans. By carefully examining a growing yet underappreciated political practice, Politics at Work contributes to our understanding of the changing workplace, as well as the increasing power of corporations in American politics. It is essential reading for anyone interested in the connections between inequality, public policy, and American democracy.
Lobbying: Business, Law and Public Policy, Why and How 12,000 People Spend $3+ Billion Impacting Our Government provides students, practitioners and engaged citizens with an understanding of this highly charged aspect of American democracy. Mention the words "lobbying" or "lobbyist" to a friend or colleague and you will likely get a strong response. Some people view lobbying as nothing more than the practice of buying influence, power and legislation. To others, lobbying plays a vital part in our policymaking process, enabling us to exercise one of our most treasured constitutional rights - the right to petition the government. In reality, both positions have merit and that is what makes lobbying such an interesting practice. Lobbying is a multibillion-dollar industry that impacts all aspects of public policy at the highest level of government. At the same time, it is also the avenue by which the average citizen meets with their government representatives to request action. Lobbying is inherently a multi-disciplinary topic. Effective lobbying requires understanding the political and policymaking process. It is also a function of human psychology and strategy consulting. Many lobbyists have a legal background, which enables them to draft and dissect legislation and make meaningful recommendations, but some are former politicians, businessmen and communications specialists. Lastly, lobbying requires business acumen, drawing on skills such as networking, consulting and public relations. While these disciplines can be looked at separately, lobbying requires the study of all of them together. The goal of this book is to take the mystery and hyperbole out of lobbying and explain the business, law and public policy aspects of the field. By the last page you will understand and appreciate (1) the history of lobbying from King Solomon to the present day; (2) the business of lobbying; (3) the laws, regulations and ethics that accompany lobbying; (4) the art and science of effective lobbying; and (5) the differences in lobbying worldwide. This book can be used for a stand-alone course on lobbying and advocacy or as a supplementary text for courses on government, policymaking, ethics and regulation. It is also a useful guide for citizens who want to impact public policy. Mark Fagan is Adjunct Lecturer in Public Policy at Harvard Kennedy School, Harvard University and a founding partner of the strategy consulting firm Norbridge.
Q. What’s worth £2,000,000,000, answers to no-one and operates out of public sight? A. Britain’s influence industry The corporate takeover of democracy is no conspiracy theory – it’s happening, and it affects every aspect of our lives: the food we eat, the places we live, the temperature of our planet, how we spend our money and how our money is spent for us. And much more. A Quiet Word shows just how effectively the voice of public interest is being drowned out by the word in the ear from the professional persuaders of the lobbying industry. And if you’ve never heard about them, that’s because the most effective lobbying goes unnoticed. A Quiet Word shines the brightest of lights into one of the darkest and least-understood corners of our political culture. It is essential, urgent, authoritative reading for anyone interested in our democracy and where this country is heading. And by showing how influence is constructed, it puts power back in your hands.
The Treaty of Lisbon came into effect on 1 December 2009. It gives the EU a new primary law framework and has significantly enhanced its competence and importance, thereby causing a remarkable increase in the EU's influence. Certain changes in the voting procedures should be particularly significant for companies: alongside the double majority rule in Council decisions, under the Lisbon Treaty, only a majority is now required in many areas previously governed by the principle of unanimity. Foremost examples here are justice and internal affairs, foreign trade and agriculture. Persuading its own national government that its concerns are legitimate is, therefore, only of limited benefit to a company as individual Member States can easily be outvoted in Brussels. A strong position in the company's "home Member State" only can rapidly become an insignificant minority position. Nevertheless, European actions and procedures remain obscure and inaccessible for many company heads. Companies, for this reason, often fail to see many opportunities and chances which a deeper understanding of and a strong presence in the European capital can offer a business. It is not simply the underlying conditions for companies in one Member State which are at stake, but rather the conditions governing an internal market with around 500 million consumers. The need for effective and efficient lobbying has increased due to the recent renaissance of the State observed in the crisis: in the context of partial nationalisation, far-reaching regulation of entire sectors and a general increase in state control of company decisions, good channels of communication to legislative and executive decision-makers are more important than ever. The publication helps to guide companies through the intricacies of Brussels and offers an insight into the complex but diverse and interesting service of lobbying. It is designed as a practical tool especially for decision-makers and executives in companies. Numerous figures and tables illustrate the text. Main topics include the characteristics of lobbying at the European level, taking account of the changes brought about by the Treaty of Lisbon, the notion of a lobbyist's "practical tools" and finally suggestions for a company's strategic positioning vis-a-vis decision makers in the European legislature and executive.
In recent decades Washington has seen an alarming rise in the number of "revolving door lobbyists"—politicians and officials cashing in on their government experience to become influence peddlers on K Street. These lobbyists, popular wisdom suggests, sell access to the highest bidder. Revolving Door Lobbying tells a different, more nuanced story. As an insider interviewed in the book observes, where the general public has the "impression that lobbyists actually get things done, I would say 90 percent of what lobbyists do is prevent harm to their client from the government." Drawing on extensive new data on lobbyists’ biographies and interviews with dozens of experts, authors Timothy M. LaPira and Herschel F. Thomas establish the facts of the revolving door phenomenon—facts that suggest that, contrary to widespread assumptions about insider access, special interests hire these lobbyists as political insurance against an increasingly dysfunctional, unpredictable government. With their insider experience, revolving door lobbyists offer insight into the political process, irrespective of their connections to current policymakers. What they provide to their clients is useful and marketable political risk-reduction. Exploring this claim, LaPira and Thomas present a systematic analysis of who revolving door lobbyists are, how they differ from other lobbyists, what interests they represent, and how they seek to influence public policy. The first book to marshal comprehensive evidence of revolving door lobbying, LaPira and Thomas revise the notion that lobbyists are inherently and institutionally corrupt. Rather, the authors draw a complex and sobering picture of the revolving door as a consequence of the eroding capacity of government to solve the public’s problems.
This is the second volume on the changing nature of state-business relations. This book examines how the dynamics of business have influenced public policy in the context of economic liberalization and democratization. It identifies the circumstances under which business might support progressive policies in developing countries.
With over 30,000 lobbyists in town, Brussels is often called the European capital of lobbying. Despite this, little is known on how this political system works in practice. This book offers an unprecedented window into the everyday relationships between bureaucrats and interest representatives. Where the media only shows lobbyists as they meet MEPs and submit amendments, the book argues that the bulk of their work is done in close contact with EU bureaucrats – a form of ‘quiet politics’ developed by the business community, targeting officials with little public exposure. Based on official archives, the book first sets the historical picture for the emergence of a new layer of bureaucrats; fuelled by European and transatlantic capitalism, it altered the political façade of the business community to fulfil its need for legitimacy. Drawing from observations of internal meetings of the main lobbies operating in Brussels and interviews with lobbyists and Commission officials, the book then shows lobbyists at work. This text will be of key interest to scholars, students and practitioners of the European Union, interest groups, and more broadly to political science and sociology.
American democracy is in deep crisis. But what do we do about it? That depends on how we understand the current threat.In Breaking the Two-Party Doom Loop, Lee Drutman argues that we now have, for the first time in American history, a genuine two-party system, with two fully-sorted, truly national parties, divided over the character of the nation. And it's a disaster. It's a party system fundamentally at odds withour anti-majoritarian, compromise-oriented governing institutions. It threatens the very foundations of fairness and shared values on which our democracy depends.Deftly weaving together history, democratic theory, and cutting-edge political science research, Drutman tells the story of how American politics became so toxic and why the country is now trapped in a doom loop of escalating two-party warfare from which there is only one escape: increase the numberof parties through electoral reform. As he shows, American politics was once stable because the two parties held within them multiple factions, which made it possible to assemble flexible majorities and kept the climate of political combat from overheating. But as conservative Southern Democrats andliberal Northeastern Republicans disappeared, partisan conflict flattened and pulled apart. Once the parties became fully nationalized - a long-germinating process that culminated in 2010 - toxic partisanship took over completely. With the two parties divided over competing visions of nationalidentity, Democrats and Republicans no longer see each other as opponents, but as enemies. And the more the conflict escalates, the shakier our democracy feels.Breaking the Two-Party Doom Loop makes a compelling case for large scale electoral reform - importantly, reform not requiring a constitutional amendment - that would give America more parties, making American democracy more representative, more responsive, and ultimately more stable.