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This work analyzes the Protestant metaphysical origins and basis underlying the sociological process of globalization. Specifically, it outlines the different conceptions of globalization in the sociological literature, and then examines the nature of identity and identity politics in the age of globalization. The work concludes by drawing a connection between the nature of identity politics and the globalizing process.
In this book, Mocombe illustrates ways that Barack Obama is the embodiment of the social identity as the liberal black Protestant heterosexual male. This is an identity best represented in the work of W.E.B. Du Bois.
In The Eclipse of Liberal Protestantism in the Netherlands, Tom-Eric Krijger is the first to offer a synthesis of the development of the Protestant modernist movement in Dutch religious, social, cultural, and political life between 1870 and 1940. In historiography, the liberal Protestant community is said to have lost appeal and influence in these decades due to a lack of theological clarity, inner harmony, and organisation. Analysing liberal Protestants’ self-perception vis-à-vis Christian orthodoxy, self-understanding as a faith community, attitude towards other alternatives to orthodoxy, class-consciousness, literary criticism, political commitment, and involvement with foreign mission, Krijger challenges this view. Making an international comparison, he argues that the Dutch modernist movement failed to make headway primarily due to liberal Protestant expectations and discourse.
Sociological theory regarding the contemporary (1970s to the present) phenomenon of globalization focuses either on convergence or hybridization.The former, convergence, highlights the ever-increasing homogenization of cultures and societies around the globe via socioeconomic rational forces. From this perspective globalization is tantamount to Westernization or Americanization of other cultures and societies via neoliberal economic, market, subjugation. The latter, hybridization, emphasizes heterogeneity, the mixture of cultural forms out of the integration of society via globalizing processes stemming from improvements in information technology, communications, mass media, etc. In this latter form, cultures and societies are not homogenized, but are cultural forms that are syncretized with liberal democratic Western capitalist rational organization. In this work, Mocombe synthesizes the two positions by suggesting that globalization under American hegemony are the same process, convergence, and that the only alternative to this thesis of convergence is Samuel P. Huntington’s (1996) differential hypothesis in which a clash of civilization are the result of eight intransigent cultural frameworks—Sinic, Japan, Hindu, Islamic, Orthodox, Western Europe, North America, and Africa—that dominate the globe. Refutating Huntington’s thesis, Mocombe suggests there are really only two opposing counter-hegemonic forces to the convergence towards Westernization or Americanization: the earth itself and Islamic Fundamentalist movements.
Using a variant of structuration theory, what Paul C. Mocombe calls phenomenological structuralism, this work explores and highlights how the African religion of Vodou and its ethic, i.e., syncretism, materialism, communal living or social collectivism, democracy, individuality, cosmopolitanism, spirit of social justice, xenophilia, balance, harmony, and gentleness, gave rise, under the leadership of oungan yo, manbo yo, gangan yo, and granmoun yo, to the Haitian spirit of communism and the “counter-plantation system” (Jean Casimir’s term) in the provinces and mountains of Haiti. What Mocombe calls the Vodou Ethic and the spirit of communism of the African people of Haiti would be juxtaposed against the Catholic/Protestant Ethic and the spirit of capitalism of the white, mulatto, gens de couleur, and petit-bourgeois free black classes of the island. This latter worldview, the Catholic/Protestant Ethic and the spirit of capitalism, Mocombe goes on to argue, exercised by the free bourgeois blacks and mulatto elites, Affranchis, on the island undermined the revolutionary and independence movement of Haiti commenced by subjects/agents, oungan yo, manbo yo, gangan yo/dokté fey, and granmoun yo, of the Vodou ethic and the spirit of communism, and made it the poorest, most racist, and tyrannical country in the Western Hemisphere.
This work explores the philosophical basis for the author’s theory of phenomenological structuralism. The text is intended for scholars, educators, and students working in the fields of Haitian studies, philosophy, and sociological theory, and gives a hermeneutical approach to understanding and resolving the structure/agency problematic of the social sciences.
Mocombe and Tomlin explore the black/white achievement gap in America and Great Britain, gaining understanding through black bourgeois living and the labeled pathologies of the black underclass. Within the class dualism of capitalist social relations, blacks throughout the Diaspora attempt to exist in the world. Furthermore, blacks must construct their identities and be in the world by choosing between the discursive practices of the Protestant and capitalist ideology of the black Protestant bourgeoisie, or the beliefs of the black underclass, which appear to dismiss these practices as 'acting-white' (John Ogbu's term). Presently, the practical consciousness (constituted as hip-hop culture) of the black underclass, supported by finance capital, have dominated the American and global social structure, and one of its (dys)functions is the black/white achievement gap, which is a global phenomenon emanating from black America and affecting blacks around the globe. Although the histories of blacks in America and in Great Britain are fundamentally different, Mocombe and Tomlin argue in this work that during the age of globalization, the social functions of the dominating black consciousness (hip-hop culture) coming out of America are the locus of causality for the black/white achievement gap in America and Great Britain. Tomlin highlights this problematic by analyzing effective strategies employed by high achieving blacks in Great Britain, and Mocombe does the same through an analysis of an effective reading curriculum in an American inner-city after-school program.
This book offers both a philosophical and sociological model for understanding the constitution of identity in general, and black social identity in particular, without reverting to either a social or racial deterministic view of identity construction. Using a variant of structuration theory (phenomenological structuralism) this work, against contemporary postmodern and post-structural theories, seeks to offer a dialectical understanding of the constitution of black American and British life within the class division and social relations of production of the global capitalist world-system, while accounting for black social agency.
The Conservative Turn tells the story of postwar America's political evolution through two fascinating figures: Lionel Trilling and Whittaker Chambers, who went on to intellectual prominence, sharing the questions, crises, and challenges of their generation. Kimmage argues that the divergent careers of these two men exemplify important developments in postwar American politics: the emergence of modern conservatism and the rise of moderate liberalism.
“The failure of Liberalism” in Germany and its responsibility for the rise of Nazism has been widely discussed among scholars inside and outside Germany. This author argues that German liberalism failed because of the irreconcilable conflict between two competing visions of German identity. In following the German liberal parties from the Empire through the Third Reich Kurlander illustrates convincingly how an exclusionary racist Weltanschauung, conditioned by profound transformations in German political culture at large, gradually displaced the liberal-universalist conception of a democratic Rechtsstaat. Although there were some notable exceptions, this widespread obsession with „racial community [Volksgemeinschaft]“ caused the liberal parties to succumb to ideological lassitude and self-contradiction, paving the way for National Socialism.