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Tensions and conflicts related to linguistic identity and security are inevitable - even necessary - in liberal democracies. However, if conflicts related to language and identity negatively impact democratic participation, and lead to social fragmentation, civic withdrawal, and lack of trust in societal institutions, then the political system itself may become suspect and unstable. Written by experts from the fields of sociolinguistics, bilingual studies, political science/philosophy, and education, this volume provides a comprehensive picture of the current political, cultural and social factors impacting language policy in the United States and Canada. The chapters cover many aspects of social life in North America, such as immigration, bilingual education, heritage languages, and linguistic identity, and explore the challenges and set-backs, along with the many positive steps taken in recent years to advance the values of inclusion amidst diversity in a variety of contexts and domains in the United States and Canada.
This volume articulates a new framework for language policy research that explores the connections between language policy and political economy. The chapters are united in their focus on English, a language that has enjoyed a reputation as a "global language" over the course of the last century and that is perceived as a tool for socioeconomic mobility. The book argues that adopting a new, political economic approach to language policy research will enhance our ability to provide more consistent explanations about the status, functions, benefits, and limitations of English in its various roles in non-English dominant countries. The book poses the questions: Does English serve as a "lingua franca" and does it advance the interests of sustainable economic and social development in low-income countries? Written by leading experts in language policy research, the chapters reveal the myriad and complex ways in which government leaders, policymakers, and communities make decisions about the languages that will be taught as subjects or used as media of instruction in schools. English is often advertised as a social "good" with unquestioned instrumental value, yet access to quality English-medium education in low-income countries tends to be restricted to those with sufficient economic means to pay for it. As the capitalist world economy continues to change and grow, and assuming that translation technologies continue to improve, it is likely that the roles and relative importance of English as a global language will change significantly. Assessing the costs and benefits of acquiring English therefore takes on increased urgency. The book argues that a political economic approach is particularly appropriate in this endeavor, as it takes into account theories and empirical findings from a range of disciplines in order to assess and explain real-world phenomena that do not fit neatly into boxes labeled "economic," "social," "political" or "cultural." Together, the chapters in this volume argue for a new direction in language policy studies-grounded in political economy -- that will explain why English has been experienced as both a blessing and curse in different parts of the world, why English continues to be useful as a lingua franca for particular sectors of the global economy, and why it is a detriment to economic development in many low-income countries. The book will be invaluable to language policy scholars, policy-makers, and educators, significantly advancing research in this important field.
This is the first systematic study of language conflict in a developing society and of its consequences for the integrational processes of nation building. Jyotirindra Das Gupta maintains that language rivalry does not necessarily impede national integration, but can actually contribute to the development of a national community. He explains that the existence of a multiplicity of language groups in a segmented society is not, in itself, indicative of the prospects for successful integration. Only when language groups mobilize into political interest groups is it possible to determine the pattern of intergroup conflict likely to emerge. The way in which this conflict is handled and resolved depends upon the general political atmosphere and upon the type of institutions available for decision making. In the specific case of India, the author finds that because the Indian government has proved capable of meeting the demands of diverse language interests, it is supported by the Indian population as a whole for its role in mediating language rivalries. This book therefore offers evidence for the efficacy of democratic procedures for political development and integration. In the course of his analysis, Das Gupta discusses the impact of Indian language associations on national politics and on the political community in general; the formulation and implementation of a national language policy; and the language policies of nationalist and of separatist groups both before and since Independence. In order to place the Indian experience in a wider context he provides comparative empirical data from other countries. This title is part of UC Press's Voices Revived program, which commemorates University of California Press’s mission to seek out and cultivate the brightest minds and give them voice, reach, and impact. Drawing on a backlist dating to 1893, Voices Revived makes high-quality, peer-reviewed scholarship accessible once again using print-on-demand technology. This title was originally published in 1970.
This revised second edition is a comprehensive overview of why we speak the languages that we do. It covers language learning imposed by political and economic agendas as well as language choices entered into willingly for reasons of social mobility, economic advantage and group identity.
This book addresses important issues to the democratisation and development initiatives of developing countries. In many former colonies, the government remains centralised, and many in the population are unable to fully participate in its functioning. A critical difference between being a subject and a citizen is the ability to partake in governance. Such involvement requires knowledge, literacy, and the availability of literature in local and national languages. This book challenges policy makers and scholars to find creative ways of fostering political empowerment through developing language programmes.
This volume critically examines the effects of the spread of English from colonialism to the ‘New World Order’. The research explores the complex and often contradictory roles English has played in national development. Historical analyses and case studies by leading researchers in language policy studies reveal that deterministic relationships between imperial languages, such as English, and societal hierarchies are untenable, and that support of vernacular languages in education and public life can serve diverse ideologies and political agendas. Areas and countries investigated include Europe, North America, Australia, Hong Kong, India, Malaysia, Singapore, South Africa, and Sri Lanka. The role of theory in language policy scholarship and practice is critically evaluated. A variety of research methodologies is used, ranging from macro-sociopolitical and structural analyses to postmodern approaches. The work collectively represents a new direction in language policy studies.
An examination of how an individual's native language can affect their lifestyle. Topics covered range from maintenance of the mother-tongue and second language learning, to the ideology of language planning theory, to education and language rights.
This is the first systematic study of language conflict in a developing society and of its consequences for the integrational processes of nation building. Jyotirindra Das Gupta maintains that language rivalry does not necessarily impede national integration, but can actually contribute to the development of a national community. He explains that the existence of a multiplicity of language groups in a segmented society is not, in itself, indicative of the prospects for successful integration. Only when language groups mobilize into political interest groups is it possible to determine the pattern of intergroup conflict likely to emerge. The way in which this conflict is handled and resolved depends upon the general political atmosphere and upon the type of institutions available for decision making. In the specific case of India, the author finds that because the Indian government has proved capable of meeting the demands of diverse language interests, it is supported by the Indian population as a whole for its role in mediating language rivalries. This book therefore offers evidence for the efficacy of democratic procedures for political development and integration. In the course of his analysis, Das Gupta discusses the impact of Indian language associations on national politics and on the political community in general; the formulation and implementation of a national language policy; and the language policies of nationalist and of separatist groups both before and since Independence. In order to place the Indian experience in a wider context he provides comparative empirical data from other countries. This title is part of UC Press's Voices Revived program, which commemorates University of California Press’s mission to seek out and cultivate the brightest minds and give them voice, reach, and impact. Drawing on a backlist dating to 1893, Voices Revived makes high-quality, peer-reviewed scholarship accessible once again using print-on-demand technology. This title was originally published in 1970.