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When the Vietnam War ended with the North Vietnamese capture of Saigon on April 30, 1975--27 months after a cease-fire had been signed in Paris--the differences between the United States and Vietnam were far from being resolved. Mutual bitterness regarding the war remained. Newly unified Vietnam wanted normalization of relations and the subsequent economic reconstruction aid promised in the Paris Peace Accords. Understandably wary of such diplomatic relations, the United States requested information regarding soldiers listed as missing in action and assistance with the repatriation of military remains. A series of misconceptions and misunderstandings as well as changes from a regional to a global U.S. foreign policy left both countries bereft of an easy solution. This book describes the negotiations during the late Ford and early Carter administrations (1975-1979) and discusses the repercussions the diplomatic stalemate had on the domestic and international politics of the United States and Vietnam, emphasizing the conflicting priorities and political goals of both countries, at home and abroad. This previously neglected period in United States-Vietnam relations deals with issues such as Hanoi's constant exultation over the victory, American denial of responsibility, the division between the presidents' public declarations and congressional policies, and both sides' use of the MIA issue. Based primarily on recently declassified documents and former U.S. official Douglas Pike's uncensored collection, the work also makes use of media press sources from America, Vietnam, Britain, France and China. Interviews with Vietnamese immigrants and former U.S. politicians provide insight unavailable in written histories. Appendices contain the February 1973 correspondence between President Nixon and the Prime Minister of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam, six diplomatic notes from 1976, and a January 30, 1979, letter from President Carter to Chinese Vice Premier Deng Xiaoping.
What is being passed on? The questions of heritage and inheritance are crucial to American minority literatures. Some inheritances are claimed; some are imposed and become stifling; others still are impossible, like the memories of oppression or alienation. Heritage is not only patrimony, however; it is also a process in a state of constant reconfiguration. The body – its semiotics, its genealogy, its pressure points – figures prominently as inevitable referent for the minority racial/ethnic subject, the performance, and the writing of difference. This collection of essays analyzes contemporary novels from major African American writers, such as Gayl Jones, Phyllis Alesia Perry, Percival Everett, John Edgar Wideman, and Colson Whitehead, and ethnic American novelists like Jeffrey Eugenides, Philip Roth, Gish Jen, and Sergio Troncoso. It also includes the study of a painting by African American artist Robert Colescott. The first section of the book examines the inscription of African American writers’ relation to the nation’s past: the trauma of slavery, the burden of foundational discourses, or the legacy of the classical philosophical canon. The second part of the text is an assessment of the postmodern aesthetics of contemporary black fiction in the construction of history, unveiling the modalities of the palimpsest, fragmentation, intermediality, mises en abyme, in a complex grammar of haunting and denial. Gathering essays on Greek-American, Jewish-American, Chinese-American and Mexican-American fiction, the final section delineates new conceptions of ethnicity based on fluidity, hybridity, and performativity. Cross-ethnic experimentations in “super-diversity,” according to which identities become optional, an array of choices rather than forced belonging, seem to be pointing the way to the next stage, that of a “post-racial,” “post-ethnic” society. Yet the conjugated strictures of “race” and class still limit these choices to a significant degree, and the works discussed in this volume often playfully or sarcastically question the validity of the “post.” They ultimately ask: who shall inherit America?
Les contributions regroupées dans cet ouvrage visent à comprendre les relations et influences à travers le temps entre l’Europe et les États-Unis. S’il existe des différences importantes entre le modèle de société américain et européen, si à certains moments de notre histoire, même récente, des divergences sont apparues, il est essentiel de rappeler les multiples convergences entre ces deux continents. Le couple euro-américain n’est pas un mythe et les évolutions géopolitique et géoéconomique futures ne devraient que l’inciter à approfondir et à intensifier les relations transatlantiques. Outre l’importance de l’objet d’étude traité, cet ouvrage produit une analyse pluridisciplinaire essentielle à la compréhension du sujet et s’appuie sur des auteurs ayant un regard multiculturel. The contributions gathered in this volume seek to understand the relations and influences across time between Europe and the United States. If there are significant differences between the model of American and European society, if at some point in our history, even recent, some divergences emerged, it is important to remember the numerous similarities between these two continents. Euro-American couple is not a myth and the future geopolitical and geo-economic developments should encourage them to deepen and strengthen transatlantic relations. Besides the importance of the treated study topic, this work supplies a multidisciplinary analysis, essential to the understanding of the subject and is based on authors having a multicultural view.
The Treaty of Rome makes no mention of the Mediterranean basin as such, inc1udes not a single provision for the defining of specific relations with that region as a whole. There are only, as a hang-over from the French and Italian colonialist past, certain Dec1arations, in the Appendices, regard ing a possible association of Tunis, Morocco, Libya with the new under taking. And, of course, there is Artic1e 113 prescribing, at the end of the Community's transition period, the common trade policy - plus the Artic1e (238) giving blanket authorisation for association agreements. These legal prescriptions were duly implemented in the Association Agreements with Greece (1961) and Turkey (1963) and have supplied the basis for bilateral instruments in respect of other Mediterranean lands - ad hoc, pragmatic ar rangements. In the circumstances the Community could scarcely have proceeded otherwise. Yet the outlines of a European economic policy with regard to the countries of the Mediterranean basin were there from the beginning -limited, however, over the years by the internal development of the Community itself. One is reminded in this connection of sundry invoca tions by European and Mediterranean personalities and members of the European Commission - and, specifically, of a Memorandum presented by Italy to the Council of Ministers in 1964.
The "European Yearbook promotes the scientific study of nineteen European supranational organisations and the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD). Each volume contains a detailed survey of the history, structure and yearly activities of each organisation and an up-to-date chart providing a clear overview of the member states of each organisation. Each volume contains a comprehensive bibliography covering the year's relevant publications.