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Governor Alexander Martin of North Carolina was one of the most important figures in the colonial and early state history of North Carolina. A 1756 graduate of Princeton, he was the first president of the Board of Trustees of the University of North Carolina. He served longer as governor of the state than any other person until the election of Luther Hodges in the 20th century. He was conferred an honorary doctorate by Princeton and elected to membership in the American Philosophical Society while he was a U.S. senator. While in the Senate, he fought successfully to open the Senate to the public. He was one of five North Carolina delegates to the Constitutional Convention in Philadelphia. He was a friend and protector of the Moravians and other non-conformists. He was the most powerful and effective leader from the frontier region of North Carolina for a quarter of a century. The first chapters of this biography discuss Martin's parents and their high regard for education, his time at Princeton, and his arrival in North Carolina in 1760. The next chapters explore Martin's and Rev. David Caldwell's effort to prevent bloodshed during Governor Tryon's confrontation with the Regulators that led up to the Battle of Alamance, Martin's experiences in the war as second in command of the North Carolina Regiment, his election as senator from Guilford County to the General Assembly in 1777, and his much-celebrated election as governor in 1781. The final three chapters of the book include information about his years in the U.S. Senate, his retirement at his home "Danbury" in Rockingham, North Carolina, his relationship with his family and his very detailed last will and testament. His home, "Danbury," later gave its name to Danbury, North Carolina, in Stokes County, which his nephews helped found about 1848, long after his death.
New York Times bestselling author and committed constitutional conservative Senator Mike Lee reveals the little-known stories behind the Founder's takedown of a tyrannical king and the forgotten document that created America. There is perhaps no more powerful sentence in human history, written in Philadelphia in the oppressively hot summer of 1776: "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty, and the pursuit of Happiness." Despite the earth-shattering power of Jefferson's simple sentence and the document in which it is found, many Americans today don't understand or appreciate the Declaration's gravity. As a result, we have lost touch with much of what makes our country so special: the distinctly American belief in the dignity of every human soul. Our nation was born in an act of rebellion against an all-powerful government. In Our Lost Declaration, Senator Mike Lee tells the dramatic, little-known stories of the offenses committed by the British crown against its own subjects. From London's attempts to shut down colonial legislatures to hauling John Hancock before a court without a jury, the abuses of a strong central government were felt far and wide. They spurred our Founders to risk their lives in defense of their rights, and their efforts established a vision of political freedom that would change the course of history. Lee shares new insights into the personalities who shaped that vision, such as: Thomas Paine, a populist radical who nearly died making his voyage from Great Britain to the colonies before writing his revolutionary pamphlet, Common Sense. Edmund Randolph, who defied his Loyalist family and served in the Virginia convention that voted for independence Thomas Jefferson, who persevered through a debilitating health crisis to pen the document that would officially begin the American experiment. Senator Lee makes vividly clear how many abuses of federal power today are rooted in neglect of the Declaration, including federal overreach that corrupts state legislatures, the judicial system, and even international trade. By rediscovering the Declaration, we can remind our leaders in Washington D.C. that they serve us--not the other way around.
A Distinct Judicial Power: The Origins of an Independent Judiciary, 1606-1787, by Scott Douglas Gerber, provides the first comprehensive critical analysis of the origins of judicial independence in the United States. Part I examines the political theory of an independent judiciary. Gerber begins chapter 1 by tracing the intellectual origins of a distinct judicial power from Aristotle's theory of a mixed constitution to John Adams's modifications of Montesquieu. Chapter 2 describes the debates during the framing and ratification of the federal Constitution regarding the independence of the federal judiciary. Part II, the bulk of the book, chronicles how each of the original thirteen states and their colonial antecedents treated their respective judiciaries. This portion, presented in thirteen separate chapters, brings together a wealth of information (charters, instructions, statutes, etc.) about the judicial power between 1606 and 1787, and sometimes beyond. Part III, the concluding segment, explores the influence the colonial and early state experiences had on the federal model that followed and on the nature of the regime itself. It explains how the political theory of an independent judiciary examined in Part I, and the various experiences of the original thirteen states and their colonial antecedents chronicled in Part II, culminated in Article III of the U.S. Constitution. It also explains how the principle of judicial independence embodied by Article III made the doctrine of judicial review possible, and committed that doctrine to the protection of individual rights.
A comprehensive and sympathetic history of all branches of the Mennonites and Amish, including a portrayal of their doctrine, life, and piety. It attempts to present a true picture of the Christian bodies in Indiana and Michigan which are descended from the European Anabaptists of the sixteenth century.
Between 1700 and 1775 no colony in British America experienced more impressive growth than North Carolina, and no region within the colony developed as rapidly as the Lower Cape Fear. In his study of this eighteenth-century settlement, Bradford J. Wood challenges many commonly held beliefs, presenting the Lower Cape Fear as a prime example for understanding North Carolina - and the entirety of colonial America - as a patchwork of regional cultures.