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This book explores journalism practices and the dynamics of international news media in Korea, and examines the ways in which Korean journalists and foreign correspondents cover news stories about the Korean conflict. It notably explores news gathering practices concerning the Korean conflict, and investigates factors that influence journalists’ news production through interview with foreign correspondents including bureau chiefs from news outlets as diverse as AP, Reuters, The New York Times, the BBC, Le Figaro, and the Mainichi Shimbun. Extending its coverage to provide a rationale for the proliferation of new media both from encoders and decoders’ perspectives, and drawing on lively empirical data to examine the processes of news production, the book addresses how international media impacts on the stability and security in the region under the influence of the competing superpowers – the United States and China.
The purpose of this research is to evaluate the media-government relations through a comparative analysis of the United States, North Korea, and South Korea's news media coverage of foreign policy between 2000 and 2001 during which the three nations were actively involved in diplomatic talks, but failed. This study observes how reporting of foreign policy supports or challenges a government by analyzing themes, news sources, opinion direction, and media representation, and explores what determines the role of the news media in relation to government. Content analysis is conducted to measure media attention, valence, news source, and media representation. Media attention is measured by grouping the thematic frequency into 48 bi-weekly intervals. Valence (opinion direction) is assigned to all voices appeared in a news story in accordance with its consistency with a nation's foreign policy. A nation's foreign policy is conceptualized on the basis of a President's frame of reference in order to distinguish a government's perspective from other contending forces' perspectives. The research is conducted based on two key concerns and questions. First, there is a concern that the media reporting of foreign policy is constrained by a government. If so, how can the policy be contested by different forces? Second, if each nation's journalism practice represents a unique mode of media and political system, how can the role of media in relation to government be compared? This study found that first, the role the news media shifts in the range from a site of struggle to a site of ideological reproduction, depending on the existence of political challenge and the construction of critical media discourse. Second, when a nation's foreign policy addresses national interests, it gains the support of its public. However, it has no guarantee to be equally supported by other nations if there is a conflict between two nations' interests. Constituting hegemony within a national boundary is not tantamount to constituting the same hegemony in the international community. The disparity between two nations' interests can cause damage to the leadership when it becomes a critical media discourse.
The years 1949, 1950 and 1951 were a highly perilous time that can take a justified place among the toughest of the 20th Century. Author Tom Mueller recounts the stories of those years, gathered from more than 170 front pages of newspapers in 12 states. He explores the lives of six men who died in Korea and interviews 15 who fought there, some of whom were wounded. One survived only because the shrapnel hit the prayer book that he kept over his heart. The book also tells dozens of smaller stories: A new elephant was arriving in Madison, Wis.; newspapers were reporting the status of agricultural crops and running photos of local beauty queens; and a national radio show was reading sentimental poems. Tom Mueller's previous two books were about men and women in World War II. Now he focuses on the Korean War and the multiple other political and economic tensions of the period, plus many facets of daily life in the exact middle of the century. If you are a Baby Boomer, you will marvel after reading this book how close the world came to a Third World War. You also will be entertained by some of the local stories in the newspapers. Mueller has been writing about wars and soldiers and other historic events for more than 25 years, first for his newspaper and now in his own books.
A comprehensive analysis of the nature and extent of news flow among nations which is based upon data from 177 newspapers in ten countries and forty-five wire services.
This book is " ...a whale of a war story," according to the Saturday Review of Literature. S.L.A. Marshall, the famous military historian for the War Department wrote that : "This Maggie's eye view of the Korean police action is downright irresistible in its candor, in its simple expression of the things which most of us feel strongly but can't say very well, in its change of pace between the tragedy of the battlefield and the high comedy of much of human behavior in close relationship to it....Many of her word pictures are remarkable in their ability to convey much in little; where she philosophizes at all about men in battle her style is almost epigrammatic, and many of her observations have such a true ring that they deserve to be remembered and widely quoted." This is a fast-paced, highly readable account of the first year of the Korean War—a time which was almost tragic for the Americans troops and the twenty million South Koreans involved. As the North Koreans launched a surprise attack across the border in 1950, Marguerite Higgins, a reporter from the New York Herald Tribune, joined a group of unprepared journalists and troops fleeing fast and far to survive. The border between North and South Korea was then, as it is now, the 38th parallel. This border which the North Koreans overrun had been the division between the Russian and American zones of occupation in Korea after the defeat of Japan in 1945. By the outbreak of the war in 1950, the Russians had withdrawn leaving control of North Korea in the hands of the first dictator in the North Korean dynasty,Kim II-sung. American troops were in South Korea at the time of the invasion but in limited numbers. The United States had not equipped its ally, the army of the Republic of Korea, with offensive weapons such as tanks. Without tanks to counter the North Korean armor, the US and Republic of Korea forces came very close to being swept out of Korea as you will see. Upon further research on the Korean War, you will find that Higgins’s reporting ends in the middle of the war. She writes about the major military actions at the start of the war: the initial Northern Korean invasion, the quick decision to rush U.S. occupation troops from Japan to Korea, the Marine landing at Inchon which pushed the Communists back, and the pursuit of the Communists into North Korea by American and R.O.K. troops which led to Chinese intervention. The Korean War was not a complete victory for South Korea, the United States and the other members of the United Nations which joined in the fight to save South Korea. At the armistice in 1953, Communists retained Korea north of the 38th parallel. You know from news reports what the North Korean regime has been like for the last 60 years. Nevertheless, much was accomplished by intervention of American military forces, and the sacrifices made by Army and Marine units in Korea, and their United Nations allies in the 1950s. The twenty million people living in South Korea in 1950 remained free from Communist tyranny. The book, of course, brings up the question of intervention by both Communist nations and the United States. As you will see the last chapters, Higgins witnessed the Russian takeover of Eastern Europe in the late 1950s. She was staunchly anti-Communist. But she also feared that the United States would not recognize how much former Asian colonies wanted to be free of colonization. She writes "we must turn our backs on colonization...America should put herself squarely on the side of those nations asking national independence and self-government, and do all she can to help them economically." To what extent was this good advice? Was the success of American intervention in Korea, and the failure of intervention in Vietnam related to this question? Out of respect for the dead American, Korean, and Vietnamese in these conflicts, does the study of these interventions deserve study in American high schools?
The Korean War occupies a unique place in American history and foreign policy. Because it followed closely after World War II and ushered in a new era of military action as the first hot conflict of the cold war, the Korean War was marketed as an entirely new kind of military campaign. But how were the war-weary American people convinced that the limited objectives of the Korean War were of paramount importance to the nation?In this ground-breaking book, Steven Casey deftly analyzes the Truman and Eisenhower administrations' determined efforts to shape public discourse about the war, influence media coverage of the conflict, and gain political support for their overall approach to waging the Cold War, while also trying to avoid inciting a hysteria that would make it difficult to localize the conflict. The first in-depth study of Truman's and Eisenhower's efforts to garner and sustain support for the war, Selling the Korean War weaves a lucid tale of the interactions between the president and government officials, journalists, and public opinion that ultimately produced the twentieth century concept of limited war.It has been popularly thought that the public is instinctively hostile towards any war fought for less than total victory, but Casey shows that limited wars place major constraints on what the government can say and do. He also demonstrates how the Truman administration skillfully rededicated and redefined the war as it dragged on with mounting casualties. Using a rich array of previously untapped archival resources--including official government documents, and the papers of leading congressmen, newspaper editors, and war correspondents--Casey's work promises to be the definitive word on the relationship between presidents and public opinion during America's "forgotten war."
No detailed description available for "1946-1962".
This book deals with the political and legal issues of the Korean question in the United Nations. This is the first in-depth analysis of the meaning and effects of the Korean problem in UN politics. The book discusses the UN's role in the management of the Korean problem, the effects of the Korean war, South-North Korea's rivalry over the issues of their legitimacy and international representation, the problems of the Korean armistice agreement, and prospects for the four-party peace talks. It also examines North Korea's nuclear program and structural famine as the new concerns of the international community in the post Cold-War era. This study is intended as one of the important readings for researchers, scholars and students in the fields of international law, international organizations and international relations.