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Exploring the inner workings of the "special relationship" of the United States and the Philippines, this book challenges the accepted view that portrays the relationship as one of colonial domination and exploitation, with the United States controlling the Philippines for economic and geopolitical gain. Using Philippine sources released since the 1986 revolution and recently declassified U.S. records, the author finds instead a complex structure that allowed both nations to attain their most cherished goals while sacrificing interests of lesser importance. The United States obtained a military base complex it considered essential for the projection of American power in Asia. In return, the Philippines received a favored position in the American market and billions of dollars in economic and military aid. The Philippine elite manipulated the relationship and their nation's economy, creating a "crony capitalist" system that protected a traditional social order from the demands of a restive peasantry and an emerging Filipino-Chinese middle class. Though U.S. policy made crony capitalism possible, it could also threaten it, and Filipinos learned how to steer U.S. policy along lines advantageous to themselves by resorting to nonconfrontational resistance - thwarting development plans, harassing American businesses, diverting aid, restricting trade, and making military bases the target of nationalist attacks. The author rejects the myth that U.S. policy supported economic exploitation, finding instead that American business interests were docile bystanders sacrificed to U.S strategic imperatives. But American policymakers tolerated the manipulations that allowed Filipino oligarchs to plunder the economy and reinforce their political and economic dominance. The book thus forces us to rethink conventional assumptions about dependent relationships, and shows that generalizations about client states need to be qualified by considerations of culture and political economy.
A novel contribution to the age-old debate about free will versus determinism. Do we consciously cause our actions, or do they happen to us? Philosophers, psychologists, neuroscientists, theologians, and lawyers have long debated the existence of free will versus determinism. In this book Daniel Wegner offers a novel understanding of the issue. Like actions, he argues, the feeling of conscious will is created by the mind and brain. Yet if psychological and neural mechanisms are responsible for all human behavior, how could we have conscious will? The feeling of conscious will, Wegner shows, helps us to appreciate and remember our authorship of the things our minds and bodies do. Yes, we feel that we consciously will our actions, Wegner says, but at the same time, our actions happen to us. Although conscious will is an illusion, it serves as a guide to understanding ourselves and to developing a sense of responsibility and morality. Approaching conscious will as a topic of psychological study, Wegner examines the issue from a variety of angles. He looks at illusions of the will—those cases where people feel that they are willing an act that they are not doing or, conversely, are not willing an act that they in fact are doing. He explores conscious will in hypnosis, Ouija board spelling, automatic writing, and facilitated communication, as well as in such phenomena as spirit possession, dissociative identity disorder, and trance channeling. The result is a book that sidesteps endless debates to focus, more fruitfully, on the impact on our lives of the illusion of conscious will.
Explains the workings of the human mind and how its power can be used to change the world and realize full potential.
Human suffering on a large scale is a continuing threat to world peace. Several dozen gruesome civil wars disturb global order and jar our collective conscience each year. The 50 million people displaced by current complex humanitarian emergencies overwhelm the ability of the post-Cold War world to understand and cope with genocide, ethnic cleansing, massacres, and other inhumane acts. Greater public awareness of how much is at stake and how much more costly it is to act later rather than sooner can be a critical element in stemming the proliferation of these tragedies. The media play an increasingly crucial role in publicizing humanitarian crises, and advances in technology have intensified the immediacy of their reports. Because the world is watching as events unfold, policymakers are under great pressure to respond rapidly. Close cooperation between international relief agencies and the media is thus essential to help prevent or contain the humanitarian emergencies that threaten to overwhelm the world's capacity to care and assist. The authors of this book--all prominent in the fields of disaster relief, journalism, government policymaking, and academia--show how influential well-informed and well-developed media attention has become in forming policies to resolve ethnic and religious conflict and humanitarian crises. The authors argue that the media and humanitarians can collaborate effectively to alter both the attitudes of the public and the actions of policymakers regarding ethnic conflict and humanitarian crises. In addition to the editors, the contributors are Fred H. Cate, Joel R. Charny, Edward R. Girardet, John C. Hammock, Steven Livingston, Andrew Natsios, Lionel Rosenblatt, John Shattuck, and Peter Shiras. A Brookings Institution and World Peace Foundation copublication
A thought-provoking and penetrating account of the post-Cold war follies and delusions that culminated in the age of Donald Trump from the bestselling author of The Limits of Power. When the Cold War ended with the fall of the Berlin Wall, the Washington establishment felt it had prevailed in a world-historical struggle. Our side had won, a verdict that was both decisive and irreversible. For the world’s “indispensable nation,” its “sole superpower,” the future looked very bright. History, having brought the United States to the very summit of power and prestige, had validated American-style liberal democratic capitalism as universally applicable. In the decades to come, Americans would put that claim to the test. They would embrace the promise of globalization as a source of unprecedented wealth while embarking on wide-ranging military campaigns to suppress disorder and enforce American values abroad, confident in the ability of U.S. forces to defeat any foe. Meanwhile, they placed all their bets on the White House to deliver on the promise of their Cold War triumph: unequaled prosperity, lasting peace, and absolute freedom. In The Age of Illusions, bestselling author Andrew Bacevich takes us from that moment of seemingly ultimate victory to the age of Trump, telling an epic tale of folly and delusion. Writing with his usual eloquence and vast knowledge, he explains how, within a quarter of a century, the United States ended up with gaping inequality, permanent war, moral confusion, and an increasingly angry and alienated population, as well, of course, as the strangest president in American history.
The most complete picture to date of how U.S. strategies of containment and empire-building spiraled out of control in Southeast Asia, investigating also how the demoralizing experience of Vietnam radically undermined U.S. enthusiasm for the region in a strategic sense.
This “definitive biography of Indiana Gov. Paul V. McNutt” shows the politician’s “importance on the national stage" through the Great Depression and WWII (Indianapolis Star). The 34th Governor of Indiana, head of the WWII Federal Security Agency, and ambassador to the Philippines, Paul V. McNutt was a major figure in mid-twentieth century American politics whose White House ambitions were effectively blocked by his friend and rival, Franklin Delano Roosevelt. This historical biography explores McNutt’s life, his era, and his relationship with FDR. McNutt’s life underscores the challenges and changes Americans faced during an age of economic depression, global conflict, and decolonialization. With extensive research and detail, biographer Dean J. Kotlowski sheds light on the expansion of executive power at the state level during the Great Depression, the theory and practice of liberalism as federal administrators understood it in the 1930s and 1940s, the mobilization of the American home front during World War II, and the internal dynamics of the Roosevelt and Truman administrations.
An exploration of both classic and contemporary conceptions of leadership, focusing on social psychological approaches to central questions such as the way people think about leaders and leadership, the personality attributes of leaders, power and influence, trust, and the qualities that sustain positive relationships between leaders and followers.
From a noted historian and foreign-policy analyst, a groundbreaking critique of the troubling symbiosis between Washington and the human rights movement The United States has long been hailed as a powerful force for global human rights. Now, drawing on thousands of documents from the CIA, the National Security Council, the Pentagon, and development agencies, James Peck shows in blunt detail how Washington has shaped human rights into a potent ideological weapon for purposes having little to do with rights—and everything to do with furthering America's global reach. Using the words of Washington's leaders when they are speaking among themselves, Peck tracks the rise of human rights from its dismissal in the cold war years as "fuzzy minded" to its calculated adoption, after the Vietnam War, as a rationale for American foreign engagement. He considers such milestones as the fight for Soviet dissidents, Tiananmen Square, and today's war on terror, exposing in the process how the human rights movement has too often failed to challenge Washington's strategies. A gripping and elegant work of analysis, Ideal Illusions argues that the movement must break free from Washington if it is to develop a truly uncompromising critique of power in all its forms.
This is the first book to challenge the broken-windows theory of crime, which argues that permitting minor misdemeanors, such as loitering and vagrancy, to go unpunished only encourages more serious crime. The theory has revolutionized policing in the United States and abroad, with its emphasis on policies that crack down on disorderly conduct and aggressively enforce misdemeanor laws. The problem, argues Bernard Harcourt, is that although the broken-windows theory has been around for nearly thirty years, it has never been empirically verified. Indeed, existing data suggest that it is false. Conceptually, it rests on unexamined categories of law abiders and disorderly people and of order and disorder, which have no intrinsic reality, independent of the techniques of punishment that we implement in our society. How did the new order-maintenance approach to criminal justice--a theory without solid empirical support, a theory that is conceptually flawed and results in aggressive detentions of tens of thousands of our fellow citizens--come to be one of the leading criminal justice theories embraced by progressive reformers, policymakers, and academics throughout the world? This book explores the reasons why. It also presents a new, more thoughtful vision of criminal justice.