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Offers wide ranging divergent perspectives on India's role in managing and shaping Asian security. Issues that are dealt with include major power rivalries, tensions over disputed territories, freedom of Sea Lanes of Communications, security dilemmas, the robustness of regional institutional mechanisms, India's strategic partnerships and the perspectives of major actors like the US, Russia, and China.
This book analyses the competing power politics that exists between the three major Asian powers - China, India and Japan - on infrastructural development across the Indo-Pacific. It examines the competing policies and perspectives of these Asian powers on infrastructure developmental initiatives and explores the commonalities and contradictions between them that shape their ideas and interests. In brief, the volume looks into the strategic contention that exists between China`s "Belt and Road Initiative" (BRI; earlier officially known as "One Belt, One Road" - OBOR) and Japan`s "Expanded Partnership for Quality Infrastructure" (PQI) and initiatives like the Asia-Africa Growth Corridor (AAGC) that position India`s geostrategic and geo-economic interests in between these two competing powers and their mammoth infrastructural initiatives.
The rise of India and China as two major economic and political actors in both regional and global politics necessitates an analysis of not only their bilateral ties but also the significance of their regional and global pursuits. This book looks at the nuances and politics that the two countries attach to multilateral institutions and examines how they receive, react to and approach each other’s presence and upsurge. The driving theme of this book is to highlight the enduring and emerging complexities in India-China relations, which are multi-layered and polygonal in nature, and both a result and reflection of a multipolar world order. The book argues that coexistence between India and China in this multipolar world order is possible, but that it is limited to a medium-term perspective, given the constraints of identity complexities and global aspirations these two rising powers are pursuing. It goes on to discuss how their search for energy resources, quest to uphold their own identity as developing powers, and engagement in balance-of-power politics to exert authority on each other’s presence, are some elements that guide their non-cooperative relationship. By explaining the foreign policy approaches of Asia’s two major powers towards the growing Asian and global multilateralism, and highlighting the policies they carry towards each other, the book is a useful contribution to students and scholars of Asian Politics, Foreign Policy and International Relations.
`...sober and extremely well-researched book.' - Inder Malhotra, Business World `...very detailed and up-to-date account.' - Richard Newman, Times Higher Education Supplement This book examines the economic and technological basis for India's rise to power and the political factors that shape the nature of the power it will develop into. It shows that while India has concentrated on many of the scientific and technical capabilities that serve the needs of a rising power, it has not been able to achieve a balanced process of development. This imbalance feeds sub-national political discontent and undercuts the very power that India has sought to acquire, thus delaying her rise to power.
In recent decades, Asia’s ascent has been contextualized as the rise of two major neighboring countries in Asia – India and China. Besides voluminous work on the prospects and convergences between the two, currently they stand at an intersection of time where suspicion and mistrust veils the confidence. A degree of uncertainty arises from the more profound paradoxes, and India has been falling short in escaping the tailspin China has created in the bilateral, regional and global economic dynamics. India’s China relations is not just about boundaries and boycott of Chinese products. The root of the relationship lies in deficiency of trust, knowledge, and repository of experts on China. To deal with India’s China Tailspin effectively, one must know and comprehend China thoroughly. This book brings out several aspects of India’s political-economic relations with China on the table. The book underlines the fact that while leveraging China’s inherent contradictions, India has to deleverage from China’s subtle global aspirational designs of domination. Besides analyses on leadership, state capitalism, and geo-economics, the book describes special cases such as the Trade War, Structural Conflicts in Chinese Political Economy, Bangladesh-China-India-Myanmar Economic Corridor, WTO negotiations, Maritime trade, Belt and Road Initiative, and Taiwan to better elaborate the stakes involved in dealing with China. The recent boundary tension created a long tailspin, which in turn set off a raucous debate over China’s economic diplomacy and how India could comprehend it well. Please note: Taylor & Francis does not sell or distribute the Hardback in India, Pakistan, Nepal, Bhutan, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka.
Incorporating the most current information to hand, the expert international contributors to this handbook examine the economies and geopolitical developments of India, Pakistan, Afghanistan, Nepal, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, and Bhutan. With Cutting edge analysis and rich comparative data, this is an essential reference for students, researchers, and practitioners.
“Till recently dialogues and exchanges on strategic questions had unfortunately been an exclusive Western monopoly. The perceptions of our scholars, journalists and others tended to be influenced largely by the vast quantities of literature produced by Western strategic sources. Academicians from the non-aligned world very often met each other in conferences organized under Western auspices. There are very few fields in which our academic dependence has been as great as in the field of strategic studies. “This Seminar represents a significant departure from this pattern. It affords an opportunity for the two non-aligned friendly neighbours to get together to discuss our respective strategic perceptions, to establish direct contacts and communications between our institutions and scholars and to improve and reinforce our mutual understanding free from the distorting influence of foreign scholars. “Viewed in this perspective the significance of this seminar goes far beyond this immediate occasion. Indonesia has developed the concept of national resilience. In India we have a philosophy of self-reliance. Both these approaches require that on strategic and international security issues we should develop our own independent perceptions unfettered by the biased strategic doctrines of Western scholars. This was in fact to some extent the position in the first decade of non-alignment when both our countries rejected the concept of a rigid bipolar world though our perceptions at that stage were derived more from certain philosophical formulations rather than from a detailed analysis of strategic factors which affected our security. “Today it is obvious that such an approach is grossly inadequate. It is necessary for us to independently compile relevant factual data, analyse them critically and derive our own conclusions. It is on the basis of these independent conclusions that our own national strategies have to be formulated. Institutions like the Centre for Strategic and International Studies and the Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses play a very useful role in developing such national perceptions. Interactions between such institutions are bound to reflect in due course at national levels.”