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From the PREFACE: FOR more than a quarter of a century I have witnessed the growth of Chicago as promoted or obstructed by its government. Waves of reform have come and gone as the tides come and go. Franchise after franchise has been given away until the municipality has parted with many of its most valuable rights, and to the extent that its people are in modern slavery. A new factor has come into the political life of the city, called the Civic Federation. Its membership includes many of the principal men of Chicago. It has made considerable headway in the suppression of vice, and it has entered upon a somewhat vigorous legislative campaign, but its measures savor of the visionary, and thus invite failure. Chicago needs a deliverer, a leader strong enough to raise the people to a higher plane of political morality. There are already too many reformers who are in the business because it is popular. Most of the measures proposed for the betterment of the people are impracticable; and, amid the noise and parade of sham and hypocrisy, real opportunities are being lost. A municipal election is about to take place, involving questions greatly affecting the welfare of the city. The legislature is in session frittering away valuable time with no prospect of giving Chicago needed relief. In the midst of these things the writer ventures to point out the real conditions and requirements of Chicago, to review its political history for a year or two, to expose the false pretenses of reform, and to point out in plain, blunt, strong terms, such as may prove valuable to readers in this and every other American city, HOW TO GOVERN CHICAGO, from the standpoint of a PRACTICAL REFORMER. Chicago, Feb. 20, 1895.
Excerpt from How to Govern Chicago For more than a quarter of a century I have witnessed the growth of Chicago as promoted or obstructed by its government. Waves of reform have come and gone as the tides come and go. Franchise after franchise has been given away until the municipality has parted with many of its most valuable rights, and to the extent that its people are in modern slavery. A new factor has come into the political life of the city, called the Civic Federation. Its membership includes many of the principal men of Chicago. It has made considerable headway in the suppression of vice, and it has entered upon a somewhat vigorous legislative campaign, but its measures savor of the visionary, and thus invite failure. Chicago needs a deliverer, a leader strong enough to raise the people to a higher plane of political morality. There are already too many reformers who are in the business because it is popular. Most of the measures proposed for the betterment of the people are impracticable; and, amid the noise and parade of sham and hypocrisy, real opportunities are being lost. About the Publisher Forgotten Books publishes hundreds of thousands of rare and classic books. Find more at www.forgottenbooks.com This book is a reproduction of an important historical work. Forgotten Books uses state-of-the-art technology to digitally reconstruct the work, preserving the original format whilst repairing imperfections present in the aged copy. In rare cases, an imperfection in the original, such as a blemish or missing page, may be replicated in our edition. We do, however, repair the vast majority of imperfections successfully; any imperfections that remain are intentionally left to preserve the state of such historical works.
This book examines the connections between public school reform in the early twentieth century and American political development from 1890 to 1940.
Liberalism, Miguel de Beistegui argues in The Government of Desire, is best described as a technique of government directed towards the self, with desire as its central mechanism. Whether as economic interest, sexual drive, or the basic longing for recognition, desire is accepted as a core component of our modern self-identities, and something we ought to cultivate. But this has not been true in all times and all places. For centuries, as far back as late antiquity and early Christianity, philosophers believed that desire was an impulse that needed to be suppressed in order for the good life, whether personal or collective, ethical or political, to flourish. Though we now take it for granted, desire as a constitutive dimension of human nature and a positive force required a radical transformation, which coincided with the emergence of liberalism. By critically exploring Foucault’s claim that Western civilization is a civilization of desire, de Beistegui crafts a provocative and original genealogy of this shift in thinking. He shows how the relationship between identity, desire, and government has been harnessed and transformed in the modern world, shaping our relations with others and ourselves, and establishing desire as an essential driving force for the constitution of a new and better social order. But is it? The Government of Desire argues that this is precisely what a contemporary politics of resistance must seek to overcome. By questioning the supposed universality of a politics based on recognition and the economic satisfaction of desire, de Beistegui raises the crucial question of how we can manage to be less governed today, and explores contemporary forms of counter-conduct. ?Drawing on a host of thinkers from philosophy, political theory, and psychoanalysis, and concluding with a call for a sovereign and anarchic form of desire, The Government of Desire is a groundbreaking account of our freedom and unfreedom, of what makes us both governed and ungovernable.
This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work. This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work. As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.