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In Sydney, Australia, in 1908 the talented black fighter Jack Johnson won the heavyweight championship of the world from the Canadian Tommy Burns. There was an immediate storm of protest. It was predicted that his reign would lead to civic unrest and race riots. This is the story of sport, racism, corruption and larger-than-life characters.
A bold new interpretation of Augustine’s virtue of hope and its place in political life When it comes to politics, Augustine of Hippo is renowned as one of history’s great pessimists, with his sights set firmly on the heavenly city rather than the public square. Many have enlisted him to chasten political hopes, highlighting the realities of evil and encouraging citizens instead to cast their hopes on heaven. A Commonwealth of Hope challenges prevailing interpretations of Augustinian pessimism, offering a new vision of his political thought that can also help today’s citizens sustain hope in the face of despair. Amid rising inequality, injustice, and political division, many citizens wonder what to hope for in politics and whether it is possible to forge common hopes in a deeply polarized society. Michael Lamb takes up this challenge, offering the first in-depth analysis of Augustine’s virtue of hope and its profound implications for political life. He draws on a wide range of Augustine’s writings—including neglected sermons, letters, and treatises—and integrates insights from political theory, religious studies, theology, and philosophy. Lamb shows how diverse citizens, both religious and secular, can unite around common hopes for the commonwealth. Recovering this understudied virtue and situating Augustine within his political, rhetorical, and religious contexts, A Commonwealth of Hope reveals how Augustine’s virtue of hope can help us resist the politics of presumption and despair and confront the challenges of our time.
This book is dedicated to all Tea Partiers and conservative Republicans willing to fight for our country's future. Do you think you know the real Barack Obama? Did you know we have lost more than 2 million jobs under Obama's watch and now have a national debt of more than $15 trillion? You might be surprised at some of the issues that have been swept under the rug by the mainstream media. This book is a compilation of 101 reasons to defeat Barack Obama and to put this country back on the road to greatness. This book will give you the in-depth knowledge of Obama's true actions and enable you to effectively counter your liberal friends and help America elect a true conservative in 2012. Read about Solyndra, ACORN, Obamacare, Fast and Furious, extravagant vacations, botched photo ops, lies, broken promises, government waste, abuse and much more.
At a time when China is once again facing a major turning point in its direction, I firmly believe that my academic dispute with Wang Hui is in no way a personal or left-right dispute. Wang Hui's grand narrative about the Chinese revolution and the Chinese century is meant to provide a new legitimate basis for one party to rule forever, to place world history in the value system of the Chinese revolution, and to shape the Chinese revolution and its regime into the ultimate source and ultimate judge of universal justice in the world. There is no doubt that Wang Hui's new theoretical proposition is not only far from the basic idea of liberalism, but also far from the political democratic position that the Western left-wing tradition has always insisted on. Since liberal scholars have automatically given up head-on confrontation with Wang Hui, it is time to end Wang Hui's theories, which have never been subjected to comprehensive and systematic academic criticism in China's intellectual and intellectual spheres for nearly thirty years. Therefore, at such a time, it would be an unforgivable dereliction of duty for liberals to fail to take the initiative, as Raymond Aron did, to undertake the historical mission of criticizing barbaric ideologies–totalitarianism and statism– and to hold fast to the basic virtues given to intellectuals by providence. As Arendt said, "the storm of ideas is not characterized by knowledge, but by the ability to distinguish good from evil, beauty from ugliness. And this may indeed prevent disaster in that rare moment of crisis."
The author writes that from his personal perspective this book is about hope. But it is also about a complex of historical, tumultuous, tragic and hopeful events that were not only played out in Viet-Nam but also on the world stage, in which he became a participant, from the time of the 1960s. The book is organized into Prologue, eleven chapters, and an Epilogue that relate historical events after which the author then forms conceptions related to hope. At the end of each chapter are "codas" which emerged as reflections-even meditations-on hope as the author was in the process of writing the book. At the end of the book are sections with a glossary of abbreviations, biographical data on both Vietnamese and foreign persons referred to in the book, and an annotated history of Viet-Nam from the time of 2879 B.C. to the present.