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Lana Stein looks at the taxing question of how to make bureaucracies responsible to elected officials Stein carefully scrutinizes St. Louis bureaucracy, distinguishing those agencies that are responsive to elected officials from those that are not. On the responsive side, for example, she cites the Traffic Division of the Department of Streets, which has erected about 1,000 four-way stop signs (compared to 34 in Kansas City) because the aldermen, responding to parents concerned about the safety of their street-crossing kids, demanded them. Similarly, she finds that building inspectors are responsive to aldermen's requests that individual buildings receive priority attention. To tenants worried about unsafe living conditions, that's an important and meaningful gesture
Amity Shlaes, author of The Forgotten Man, delivers a brilliant and provocative reexamination of America’s thirtieth president, Calvin Coolidge, and the decade of unparalleled growth that the nation enjoyed under his leadership. In this riveting biography, Shlaes traces Coolidge’s improbable rise from a tiny town in New England to a youth so unpopular he was shut out of college fraternities at Amherst College up through Massachusetts politics. After a divisive period of government excess and corruption, Coolidge restored national trust in Washington and achieved what few other peacetime presidents have: He left office with a federal budget smaller than the one he inherited. A man of calm discipline, he lived by example, renting half of a two-family house for his entire political career rather than compromise his political work by taking on debt. Renowned as a throwback, Coolidge was in fact strikingly modern—an advocate of women’s suffrage and a radio pioneer. At once a revision of man and economics, Coolidge gestures to the country we once were and reminds us of qualities we had forgotten and can use today.
Drawing on the best scholars in the field from around the world, this handbook showcases conceptual and normative as well as the empirical approaches in public accountability studies.
Jason's awe-inspiring deep dive into how the grand jury operated for centuries, and is meant to operate today, earned him the title, "political archaeologist." Simply stated, he has uncovered the most powerful tool in government accountability which has been there all along. With amazing research and his easy-to-comprehend conversational style, Hoyt delivers a knock-out punch to deep state actors and swamp creatures all over America. Politicians and government bureaucrats alike fear the grand jury as a powerful yet misunderstood independent body of We The People. Be forewarned, though. The deep state doesn't want you to read this book! Do you know how a grand jury works? Do you know why the grand jury, as a powerful independent body of We The People, makes the deep state tremble with fear? If you haven't served on a grand jury and conducted your own research, it's likely you have no idea what it can do. Presiding judges and prosecutors are most definitely not going to tell you what you're able to accomplish. The grand jury's secret proceedings and powerful investigative functions have been kept from the public's eye for over a century, and there's a reason. For example, did you know your local grand jury can audit the government from top to bottom and force any elected official or government worker to testify about their operations? In the book, Hoyt reveals an often-missed paragraph in the Florida Grand Jury Instructions that discusses the most powerful word in the Constitution where a grand jury can open an investigation on their own initiative on any topic they choose. Imagine how your government would operate if they knew at any minute they could be called to testify before a grand jury about their operations. Imagine if the government feared the people, and not the other way around. Is there such a thing as "accountability" anymore? Unfortunately, we've been trained to think the only way We The People can hold our government accountable is by waiting for the next election. That's just not the case. In the book Hoyt explores true, real, and impactful consequences in government and how the most powerful word in the Constitution, sitting right there in the fifth amendment's grand jury clause, has been hijacked. The good news is the people still have the power to act as a sword and shield, protecting against wrongful accusations by government while reaching inside the government to root out corruption. The deep state bureaucracy is out of control, but not for long. Grand juries across the country are opening investigations, looking at evidence, and holding government officials accountable. In the book, you'll discover... ...How to restore government accountability. ...How the most powerful word in the Constitution was hijacked. ...How to reach inside the government and root out corruption. - What if every single move the government made was under the watchful eye of a grand jury with real, tangible, and immediate consequences? - What if We The People could operate on an official capacity outside the branches of government and provide our "consent of the governed" on a daily basis? - What if an independent grand jury, acting on its own initiative, could reach inside our government and root out corruption with indictments? - What if the Supreme Court, as recent as 1992, said the grand jury, "...belongs to no branch of the institutional government, serving as a kind of buffer or referee between the government and the people?" - What if one of the most powerful tools to check and balance the government was already protected by the Constitution? Fortunately, Hoyt isn't proposing a new idea. Like a political archaeologist, he has uncovered what has been there all along and has worked for 800 years. The bottom line: the grand jury is feared by the deep state, establishment politicians, and the entrenched Washington, D.C. bureaucratic swamp. Read CONSENT OF THE GOVERNED to find out why!
The call to "reinvent government"—to reform the government bureaucracy of the United States—resonates as loudly from elected officials as from the public. Examining the political and economic forces that have shaped the American civil service system from its beginnings in 1883 through today, the authors of this volume explain why, despite attempts at an overhaul, significant change in the bureaucracy remains a formidable challenge.
Given the influence of public bureaucracies in policymaking and implementation, Steven J. Balla and William T. Gormley assess their performance using four key perspectives—bounded rationality, principal-agent theory, interest group mobilization, and network theory—to help students develop an analytic framework for evaluating bureaucratic accountability. The new Fourth Edition of Bureaucracy and Democracy: Accountability and Performance provides a thorough review of bureaucracy during the Obama and Trump administrations, as well as new attention to state and local level examples and the role of bureaucratic values. ? New to this Edition: Interviews with two new cabinet secretaries—Christine Todd Whitman and Tom Ridge—with insightful quotes from them throughout the book. Added material on the battle over regulations, a battle that will loom large during the Trump administration, including midnight regulations and the Congressional Review Act. New examples demonstrate the activity and influence of constituencies of different kinds including the placing of women and minorities on US currency, a vignette that features the musical Hamilton, and the political protests surrounding the Dakota Access and Keystone XL pipelines. A new discussion of the privatization of roads, the pros and cons.
Increasingly governments around the world are experimenting with initiatives in transparency or 'open government'. These involve a variety of measures including the announcement of more user-friendly government websites, greater access to government data, the extension of freedom of information legislation and broader attempts to involve the public in government decision making. However, the role of the media in these initiatives has not hitherto been examined. This volume analyses the challenges and opportunities presented to journalists as they attempt to hold governments accountable in an era of professed transparency. In examining how transparency and open government initiatives have affected the accountability role of the press in the US and the UK, it also explores how policies in these two countries could change in the future to help journalists hold governments more accountable. This volume will be essential reading for all practising journalists, for students of journalism or politics, and for policymakers.
This book examines administrative changes and reforms carried out in the developing nations: it looks at the role of the state, various administrative reforms carried out at the behest of the West but never fully materialized, and events leading to policy failures and administrative mishaps. It is a story of failed developmental goals told through the looking glass of administration and it is about directing, managing, and controlling the means used in and by Third World countries to achieve development. In addition to a history of development administration, this volume includes an analysis of bureaucratic corruption and accountability, the issue of capability building in science and technology transfer, the new challenge of the 1990s - how to achieve environmentally sustainable development in the face of resource constraints and ever-growing public demands and expectations, and a strategy for sustainable development administration as the Third World prepares for the 21st century.
Originalism holds that the U.S. Constitution should be interpreted according to its meaning at the time it was enacted. In their innovative defense of originalism, John McGinnis and Michael Rappaport maintain that the text of the Constitution should be adhered to by the Supreme Court because it was enacted by supermajorities--both its original enactment under Article VII and subsequent Amendments under Article V. A text approved by supermajorities has special value in a democracy because it has unusually wide support and thus tends to maximize the welfare of the greatest number. The authors recognize and respond to many possible objections. Does originalism perpetuate the dead hand of the past? How can originalism be justified, given the exclusion of African Americans and women from the Constitution and many of its subsequent Amendments? What is originalism's place in interpretation, after two hundred years of non-originalist precedent? A fascinating counterfactual they pose is this: had the Supreme Court not interpreted the Constitution so freely, perhaps the nation would have resorted to the Article V amendment process more often and with greater effect. Their book will be an important contribution to the literature on originalism, now the most prominent theory of constitutional interpretation.