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In 1990, the future of Europe's international politics hinged on two questions. How would unification affect the conduct of German foreign policy? Would those institutions that had given security and prosperity to Western Europe during the Cold War now do the same for the entire continent, and if so, how. The intersection of these questions is the topic of this book, which explores, quite plainly, what made Germany's policies towards its immediate Eastern neighbours tick.
These essays address Germany as a "civilian power" in the context of German foreign policy since World War II. The West German state defined its foreign policy in reaction to the violent excesses of the Nazi era, bound into systems of collective defense and multilateral cooperation in NATO and the UN. The contributors examine to what extent the use of military power is still conceivable, and if the use of such power is restricted to humanitarian intervention under the auspices of the UN. Copyright © Libri GmbH. All rights reserved.
In 1990, the future of Europe's international politics hinged on two questions. How would unification affect the conduct of German foreign policy? Would those institutions that had given security and prosperity to Western Europe during the Cold War now do the same for the entire continent, and if so, how. The intersection of these questions is the topic of this book, which explores, quite plainly, what made Germany's policies towards its immediate Eastern neighbours tick.
Essay from the year 2006 in the subject Politics - Topic: German Foreign Policy, London School of Economics (Department of International Relations), language: English, abstract: The end of the Cold War in 1989/90 did not only prompt a fundamental transformation of the international system as a whole; it equally changed the expectations and perceptions of key nation-states acting within that system. This was, as most scholars of International Relations (IR) agree, especially true with regard to reunited Germany. In the run-up to the negotiations of the 'Two-plus-Four Treaty', many observers feared that the demise of the East-West confrontation might encourage the Federal Republic to completely strip off its post-war restraints and use its revamped resources and autonomy more forcefully. By the same token, some European leaders — notably French President François Mitterrand and British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher — voiced concerns that a resurgence of German power politics seemed far from being just a theoretical possibility. Indeed, some indications of a renewed German propensity to 'go it alone' emerged even before the legal and political terms of unification had been clarified. Chancellor Kohl's '10 Points Plan' of November 1989 aroused deep scepticism. Even more alarmingly, German contributions to armed operations in Bosnia and Kosovo were perceived as incidents of a much more self-cofident security posture. However, a vast majority of German politicians was eager to defuse their neighbours' suspicions, emphasising that they would retain their commitment to a culture of 'civilian power.' The country would remain a driving force for deeper and wider European integration as well as multilateralism within the frameworks of the UN, NATO and CSCE/OSCE. Yet, despite these efforts to address other states' concerns, some observers doubted whether Germany would actually be willing and able to stick to its 'leadership avoidance reflex' in the future. Almost two decades after reunification, it might thus be worthwhile to ask: is Germany still a 'civilian power'? To answer this question, I will first describe different dimensions of political power as they are treated in IR theory and illustrate what 'civilian power' means in this context. Secondly, I will outline in how far particular concepts of foreign policy (FP) behaviour — the models of 'security', 'trading' and 'civilian states' — are capable of grasping the notion of civilian power. Section 4 relates these conceptual frameworks to important features of Germany's actual FP conduct before and after the watershed events of 1989/90.
This work examines the extent to which German foreign policy and European policy has changed since German unification. Despite significant changes on specific issues, most notably on the deployment of military force outside of the NATO area, there is greater continuity than change in post-unification German policy.
Seminar paper from the year 2009 in the subject Politics - International Politics - Topic: German Foreign Policy, grade: 72 (distinction), Durham University (SGIA), language: English, abstract: Die Arbeit behandelt die Frage, ob die Außenpolitik der Bundesrepublik Deutschland nach wie vor als diejenige einer sog. "Zivilmacht" angesehen werden kann. Hierzu wird nach einer kurzen Einführung auf die Entstehungsgeschichte der Bundesrepublik sowie die Eigenschaften des "Zivilmacht"-Konzeptes eingegangen. Im Anschluss daran werden die entscheidenden Ereignisse beleuchtet, die zu der Erosion des "Zivilmacht"-Konzeptes geführt haben, insb. das deutsche Engagement im Kosovo (1999) und in Afghanistan, sowie das "Nein" zum Irakkrieg. The essay deals with the question of whether the foreign policy of the Federal Republic of Germany may still be considered that of a so-called "civilian power". Following a brief introduction, the history of the Federal Republic and the characteristics of the "civilian power" concept are discussed. Subsequently, the decisive events that led to the erosion of the "civilian power" concept, especially the German engagement in Kosovo (1999) and Afghanistan, as well as the "no" to the war in Iraq make up the second part.
Explores the paths of development unfolding from the inter-dependent histories of postwar Germany and the European integration process. The contributors explore these histories within the idea of 'semi-sovereignty': a set of constraints on the German state's power within the external constraints of Germany's multilateral commitments.
A surge of political trends and upheavals all over the world confronts German foreign policy with a world that is dramatically different from Berlin Republic unification in 1990. Brexit, American de-commitment to Europe and the rise of isolationist, populist forces within Germany as well as in other European countries and the U.S. have undermined the foundations of Germany's foreign policy. Germany is suddenly faced with another historical shift that is starting to shake the bedrock of its foreign policy. A council of experts for strategic foresight can address Germany's strategic cultural deficit, its civilian power fixation, its resorts principle of ministerial independence, and its coalition governance conflicts.
This comprehensive, in-depth assessment of the German foreign policy record under the Red-Green government of Gerhard Schröder and Joschka Fischer from 1998 to 2005, produced by a team of German and international experts, explores the idea of continuity and the sources, depths and directions of German foreign policy.
Since the first heroic and largely spontaneous acts precipitated the end of the Cold War, Europe has been transformed in a truly remarkable and wholly unforeseen manner: Germany has been unified, the Warsaw Pact has collapsed, and the Soviet Union has disintegrated, leaving in its wake many new independent states. These momentous events have taken place so rapidly and often in such confused circumstances that their full meaning has barely been comprehended let alone assimilated. A clearer and deeper appreciation of the forces and processes unleashed by the recent changes is vitally important, however, to meet the challenges and exploit the opportunities that now present themselves in Europe. This volume, therefore, is intended to promote wider understanding of the key issues, and it represents the most comprehensive assessment to date of the new Germany and the new Europe. The volume begins with detailed accounts by U.S. and German scholars of how unification came about and the resulting changes to the political economy, security policy, and foreign relations. A complementary section discusses the implications for the rest of Europe as well as Japan. While the focus of the book is on the new Germany, two separate chapters provide specific designs for a new adoption of a general system of cooperative security.