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In this comprehensive re-examination of the writing by and about Grenville, Cornish provides the necessary materials for a reassessment of this 18th century leader and his administration.
George Grenville was King George III's First Minister from 1763 to 1765. The central issue of Grenville's administration was to deal with the aftermath of the Seven Year's War, particularly with the sharply increased national debt and the cost of continued protection of the American colonies. In seeking to balance the national budget, he blundered into levying taxes on the Americans. The Sugar Act of 1764 aroused very little opposition or even discussion. But it was an entering wedge. The ease with which it sailed through Parliament led Grenville to propose another American tax, the Stamp Act. This aroused vigorous, even violent opposition, both in America and among the business community in Great Britain. Grenville's career also saw the development of numerous techniques for shaping and manipulating public opinion, and he was intimately involved in using them, particularly the newspaper and pamphlet press. He was one of those principally involved in attempting to suppress John Wilkes and the North Briton No. 45, an episode in the evolution of freedom of the press in Great Britain. Grenville was dismissed from office by the King because of issues that had nothing to do with American taxation. The years between 1765 and 1770, between his dismissal and his death, show a mellowing as well as maturing of his political wisdom. Increasingly he played the role of elder statesmen, advising the House of Commons on important questions concerning not only American taxation but freedom of the press and freedom of elections.
The administration of George Grenville, 1763-1765, continues to divide historians. The passage of his American Stamp Act was widely debated by his contemporaries, damned by nineteenth-century Whig historians, and criticized by many historians well into the twentieth-century. The Stamp Act proved to be a political blunder which helped precipitate the outbreak of the American Revolution, and it is this, together with Grenville’s own forbidding personality, which has coloured how he has been largely remembered. Indeed, as one of his more recent biographers has noted, Grenville’s political career has been mainly judged on the comments made by his contemporary political enemies. Grenville, however, came to the premiership after spending twenty years in office and was perceived by many as an efficient and energetic minister; a capable and conscientious man who got things done. This present study adds to the recent reappraisal of Grenville’s career by investigating how he and his followers interacted with, and attempted to influence, the activities of the increasing political press during the first decade of the reign of George III. The Grenvillite pamphleteers were both well-organized and effective in their defence of their political patron, and the press activities of Thomas Whately, William Knox, Augustus Hervey, and Charles Lloyd are fully investigated here within the larger context of the political debates from 1763 to 1770. The impact East Indian issues, Irish affairs, John Wilkes, and American colonial problems had on shaping British public opinion are also examined. The book concludes, with regard to the American colonies at least, that the Grenvillite vision of empire was essentially traditional and mainstream. Stubborn, peevish, and argumentative he may have been, but Grenville was hardly the scourge of the American colonies as previously portrayed; nor was he the lone author of all the trouble between Britain and her American colonies as some American historians have suggested. George Grenville will remain a controversial figure in eighteenth-century British political history, but this study offers an examination of his political activities from a different perspective, and thus helps broaden our estimation of a minister who has been considered for too long as one of the worst prime ministers during the long reign of George III.
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This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work.This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.