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In this book, author Claire Oueslati-Porter describes her field research in Binzart, Tunisia's sprawling factory zone and in the surrounding city. She blends conventional ethnography with auto-ethnography, leading readers inside a textile factory, among the women and men workers who navigate intensely gendered labor. While there is pressure to adhere to gendered codes of behavior in the factory, some women engage in subversive gender performances. Oueslati-Porter elucidates a phenomenon that is oft-neglected in studies of women in the Middle East and North Africa: gender-queerness. Further, Oueslati-Porter explores her own perceptions of being a researcher while also being a daughter-in-law in a Tunisian family, and a mother to a toddler-aged son while conducting field work. This ethnography centralizes women's waged and unwaged labor in the understanding of women’s rights Gender, Textile Work, and Tunisian Women’s Liberation will be of interest to students andscholars of anthropology, sociology, women’s, gender, and sexuality studies, LGBTQ+ studies,and Middle East and North Africa studies.
This book presents ethnographic research conducted in an export zone textile factory in Binzart, Tunisia during the years leading up to the Arab Spring. The author focuses on the sexist management tactics in the factory, as well as women workers' patterns of resistance and capitulation to sexual objectification and exploitation. Masculinity as enacted by men and by some women is revealed as fundamental to the processes of production. Certain women workers, Oueslati-Porter shows, challenge cisgender norms by appropriating masculinity for themselves, threatening men's masculine supremacy. Furthermore, socio-cultural surveillance mechanisms in the factory and in the family is curtail the tensions posed by the presence of masculine women. Gender, Textile Work, and Tunisian Women's Liberation will be of interest to students and scholars of anthropology, sociology, women's, gender, and sexuality studies, LGBTQ+ studies, and Middle East and North Africa studies. Claire Oueslati-Porter is Senior Lecturer, Gender and Sexuality Studies and Anthropology, University of Miami, USA.
Looking at women, politics, and culture in Tunisia from 1950s independence to the 1970s, highlighting the centrality of women to post-colonial state-building.
Tunisian women have received significant attention for their active participation in preserving and extending women’s rights since 2011. However, their activism and latest achievements should be considered not a recent phenomenon but rather part and parcel of a distinctive local history that has included women as agents of change. This book examines Tunisian women’s lived experiences, as individuals and as a group, within a sociohistorical framework that uncovers the enduring feminine footprint over centuries and eventually underpins and defines their most recent fight for gender equality in postrevolutionary Tunisia. The historic and current presentation of Tunisian women’s public and civic engagement distinguishes between different types of women’s objectives in order to examine women’s activism holistically as it evolved in the local context. The Tunisian Women’s Rights Movement will be of interest to students and scholars of Tunisia, North African, and Middle East Studies and gender in the Arab world.
"This work takes a look at the effects of imposed State Feminism policies by the past two authoritative regimes on the Tunisian society, through an analysis of Tunisian women's associations, which existed during the repressive regimes, and those that emerged since democratization. It will take a retrospective look at the consequences of gender equality advancements made by the State, that monopolized the dialogue, marginalized the existing women's associations and excluded the population from inputting on the project to modernize women's status in society. This thesis will analyze how State Feminism has affected the way the society views gender issues. How have independent women's associations present during authoritative State Feminism policies adapted their advocacy to the new post-Revolution political context? And how new associations are changing the associative playing field. The methodology utilized for field research was face-to-face qualitative semi-directive expert interviews, to allow for a free flow of information. Both women closely and more distantly involved in the Tunisian feminism movement were interviewed in order to establish a wide spectrum of opinions and information on the subject of women's associations prior to and after the Revolution. The research and analysis proved that the monopolization of the feminist debate by the State through State Feminism led to the marginalization of independent women's associations and the exclusion of the population from the decision-making process on women's rights, which were imposed in a top down fashion. Presently this has had adverse effects on old and new women's associations and their relations with women and men in society".
Anna Antonakis’ analysis of the Tunisian transformation process (2011-2014) displays how negotiations of gender initiating new political orders do not only happen in legal and political institutions but also in media representations and on a daily basis in the family and public space. While conventionalized as a “model for the region”, this book outlines how the Tunisian transformation missed to address social inequalities and local marginalization as much as substantial challenges of a secular but conservative gender order inscribed in a Western hegemonic concept of modernity. She introduces the concept of “dissembled secularism” to explain major conflict lines in the public sphere and the exploitation of gender politics in a context of post-colonial dependencies.
The uprising in Tunisia has come to be seen as the first true revolution of the twenty-first century, one that kick-started the series of upheavals across the region now known as the Arab Spring. In this remarkable work, Alcinda Honwana goes beyond superficial accounts of what occurred to explore the defining role of the country's youth, and in particular the cyber activist. Drawing on fresh testimony from those who shaped events, the book describes in detail the experiences of young activists through the 29 days of the revolution and the challenges they encountered after the fall of the regime and the dismantling of the ruling party. Now, as old and newly established political forces are moving into the political void created by Ben Ali's departure, tensions between the older and younger generations are sharpening. An essential account of an event that has inspired the world, and its potential repercussions for the Middle East, Africa and beyond.
Essay from the year 2022 in the subject Politics - Basics and General, grade: 1,7, University of Frankfurt (Main) (Political Science), course: Revolution und Entwicklung? Transformationen und Geschlecht in den arabischen Revolutionen, language: English, abstract: Tunisian women’s movements are anything but homogenous. Grassroots women’s movements and new forms of feminism have been competing against a top-down feminist project promoted by the state. Hence, tensions between the different understandings of a women’s rights agendas have clashed, making room for new conceptions of Tunisian womanhood, resistance, and empowerment. The dichotomy between “contemporality” and “tradition” might have hindered women’s collective empowerment and the formation of an all-encompassing movement. Nevertheless, Tunisian women are still capable and encouraged to build bridges between the diverse women’s projects and continue to demand tangible gender equality, especially concerning decision-making positions. This diversity in perceptions, as well as the enthusiasm to prove the compatibility between a women’s project seeking gender equality and Islamic tradition, constitute one of the most valuable potentials of Tunisian women’s movements. This might even result promising for the women’s cause in the first place, considering that there is sufficient common ground among the intrinsic principles and objectives of women’s movements around the world. Other women’s movements in the phase of consolidation can thus learn important lessons from the Tunisian example. The following segments will briefly recapitulate some of the most relevant historical milestones of Tunisian history while acknowledging their interconnection with the evolution of Tunisian women’s movements over the decades. Special attention will be drawn to the consolidation of grassroots, state-independent women’s movements in post-revolution Tunisia, and to the necessity of reconciling the heretofore contesting women’s projects. This, with the motivation to understand: what challenges have Tunisian women’s movements faced thus far and what perspectives do they have to build a more consolidated project?
Freedom HouseOs innovative publication WomenOs Rights in the Middle East and North Africa: Progress Amid Resistance analyzes the status of women in the region, with a special focus on the gains and setbacks for womenOs rights since the first edition was released in 2005. The study presents a comparative evaluation of conditions for women in 17 countries and one territory: Algeria, Bahrain, Egypt, Iran, Iraq, Jordan, Kuwait, Lebanon, Libya, Morocco, Oman, Palestine (Palestinian Authority and Israeli-Occupied Territories), Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Syria, Tunisia, United Arab Emirates, and Yemen. The publication identifies the causes and consequences of gender inequality in the Middle East, and provides concrete recommendations for national and international policymakers and implementers. Freedom House is an independent nongovernmental organization that supports democratic change, monitors freedom, and advocates for democracy and human rights. The project has been embraced as a resource not only by international players like the United Nations and the World Bank, but also by regional womenOs rights organizations, individual activists, scholars, and governments worldwide. WomenOs rights in each country are assessed in five key areas: (1) Nondiscrimination and Access to Justice; (2) Autonomy, Security, and Freedom of the Person; (3) Economic Rights and Equal Opportunity; (4) Political Rights and Civic Voice; and (5) Social and Cultural Rights. The methodology is based on the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and the study results are presented through a set of numerical scores and analytical narrative reports.