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Moran concentrates on three aims: to provide an overview of British military intelligence operations in the last 30 years which concentrates on operational not strategic intelligence; to examine the debates over ethics and effectiveness that have followed these operations; and to examine the increasing attempts to place military intelligence under the same type of regulation that police and security intelligence operations have been subject to. As such, he provides a timely overview of intelligence effectiveness and ethics in this area of heightened interest and relevance in terms of the recent UK deployments to Iraq and Afghanistan, and in the light of the UK Strategic Defence Review. This book is not a philosophical discussion of military ethics; nor is it a study of operations alone. In the light of experiences from Northern Ireland to Afghanistan, it examines the debates over effectiveness which have surrounded British military intelligence activities whilst tying these debates closely to the ethical issues they raise. Each stage of operations is evaluated in context. Interest will cut across disciplines and as such this book will appeal to intelligence, counter-terrorism, military studies, politics, human rights and philosophy practitioners, scholars and students.
Outreach, negotiation and cooption may be a vital tool for counterinsurgencies as they transform conflict and facilitate Amnesty, Reconciliation and Reintegration (AR2) of warring elements within a war-torn society. This monograph utilizes a two-system comparison between the Taliban and the Irish Republican Army (IRA) to inquire if the Taliban are willing to participate in fruitful dialogue to initiate AR2. The suggestion for adopting a Northern Ireland approach for negotiation is compelling due to the strategic similarities the Taliban and the IRA share. The similarities, however, are the underlying reason why the Taliban will not be amenable to compromise within the short-term context compelled by the United States current strategy. What emerged is that the Taliban is reacting to changing environmental stimuli in the same manner as the PIRA. The direct consequence of this similarity is the likelihood of negotiations and outreach to take hold. The Taliban in 2010, like their IRA counterparts in 1972, believe they have a comparative advantage over their counterparts and are not willing to compromise their ideological convictions. Thus, policy makers in Washington, London, and Kabul should cool their rhetoric surrounding negotiation and dampen expectations that talks with the Taliban will yield significant results.
"In this follow-up to his much-praised book Losing Small Wars: British Military Failure in Iraq and Afghanistan, Frank Ledwidge argues that Britain has paid a heavy cost - both financially and in human terms - for its involvement in the Afghanistan war. Ledwidge calculates the high price paid by British soldiers and their families, taxpayers in the United Kingdom, and, most importantly, Afghan citizens, highlighting the thousands of deaths and injuries, the enormous amount of money spent bolstering a corrupt Afghan government, and the long-term damage done to the British military's international reputation. In this hard-hitting exposé, based on interviews, rigorous on-the-ground research, and official information obtained through the Freedom of Information Act, Ledwidge demonstrates the folly of Britain's extended participation in an unwinnable war. Arguing that the only true beneficiaries of the conflict are development consultants, international arms dealers, and Afghan drug kingpins, he provides a powerful, eye-opening, and often heartbreaking account of military adventurism gone horribly wrong."--
A cutting-edge analysis of the AfPak war involving Russia, India, China, and Iran, emphasizing US strategy and the people implementing it.
This book is about the future of Afghanistan which seems to be rapidly slipping into chaos. It contains perspectives on counter-insurgency and nation-building in Afghanistan. The expert contributors in this book focus on some key issues like, the character of the conflict in Afghanistan; the role of regional actors; the nature of engagement of the US and its allies; the assessment of the future course of action by major actors and the role played by INGOs and the international community at large. More significantly, the experts sought to answer the crucial question: what can be done to stabilise Afghanistan? This volume is a collection of their insightful papers
The Committee's report focuses on the planned withdrawal of combat troops at the end of 2014 and the transfer of responsibility for security to the Afghan National Security Forces. It also examines the progress towards a secure and stable Afghanistan within the wider region, including Pakistan, and the plans by the UK, NATO and other allies for a smooth transition of responsibility for security to the Afghan Government and the ANSF. Securing the future of Afghanistan requires the concerted efforts of all the Afghan people; regional neighbours, in particular Pakistan; the USA; NATO and other coalition partners. In the process of establishing a peaceful and functioning Afghanistan, the Committee calls for evidence of: (i) At least the start of an Afghan-led peace settlement with the insurgency; (ii) Open and free elections; (iii) An appropriately trained and equipped ANSF with continuing financial support; (iii) A strong judicial system which protects the human rights of all Afghans; (iv) Economic development aid to continue in support of the well being and safety of all sections of society; (v) Effective measures to tackle corruption, drug production and the drug trade. The MoD needs to work with international partners and the ANSF to identify ways of meeting significant gaps in necessary capabilities such as helicopters and close air support and medical care from 2015. The Defence Committee concludes that at the end of UK operations the best the UK will be able to do is to withdraw in good order and engage with external partners to improve Afghanistan's future prospects.
The UK is currently involved in two military operations in Afghanistan: the US-led coalition Operation Enduring Freedom (OEF) with a counter-terrorism mission; and the NATO-led International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) with a security and stabilisation mission. The UK-led Allied Rapid Reaction Corps (ARRC) will command the ISAF from May 2006 to February 2007, a period which will see the extension of the ISAF's mission into the Western and Southern provinces of Afghanistan. The Committee's report focuses on pre-deployment issues for the UK forces to be deployed in Helmand province. The report considers the likely problems they will face in attempting to balance the goals of bringing greater security to the province as well as reducing the opium trade. The report raises concerns that the UK airlift and close air support capability may not be sufficient to support the Helmand deployment, and also about the effect the Helmand deployment might have on the overstretch of UK armed forces, particularly on pinchpoint trade personnel. It also calls on the MoD to provide greater clarity about the responsibilities of UK forces to detainees under their care, and in terms of the rights of detainees established in the Memorandum of Understanding with the Government of Afghanistan.
A comprehensive and up to date study of the history of education in Afghanistan since 1901, this book demonstrates how modern education emerged and charts its fluctuating process of development, regression and destruction. Combining historical and contemporary analysis of key international and national, political, and historical issues from the late nineteenth century to the present day, Education in Afghanistan examines; religion, modernism, tribal and ethnic conflict, language discrimination, foreign invasions, war, and international assistance through the lens of education. An in-depth understanding of these elements will provide alternative approaches to addressing the on-going conflict in Afghanistan, which has a direct effect on the overall educational development and policy-making decisions in the country. Offering a new perspective to the conflict in Afghanistan by addressing its impact on education, this book will be an invaluable resource for students and researchers interested in the formation of education policy, social and political reform in the Middle East, and Islamic Studies.
This up-to-date, comprehensive, thematically indexed bibliography devoted to Afghanistan now and yesterday will help readers to efficiently find their way in the massive secondary literature available. Following the pattern established by one of its major data sources, viz. the acclaimed Index Islamicus, both journal articles and book publications are included and expertly indexed. An indispensable entry for all those taking professional or personal interest in a nation so much the focus of attention today.
Nach fast zwei Jahrzehnten Krieg unterzeichnete die Trump-Regierung im Februar 2020 ein Abkommen mit den Taliban, wonach die Truppen der USA und ihrer NATO-Verbündeten Afghanistan innerhalb der nächsten Monate verlassen müssen. Dieses Abkommen ebnet auch den Weg für innerafghanische Gespräche zwischen der von den USA unterstützten Islamischen Republik Afghanistan und der militanten Gruppe der Taliban. Dieses Buch bietet einen kritischen Überblick über die militärische, friedens- und staatsbildende Interventionen der USA und der NATO seit 2001 in Afghanistan. Darüber hinaus stellt es auf der Grundlage gesammelter Feldinterviews die afghanische Wahrnehmung und den afghanischen Diskurs zu Themen wie Demokratie, Islam, Frauenrechte, formelle und informelle Regierungsführung, ethnische Teilung und die staatliche demokratische Regierungsgestaltung auf nationaler und subnationaler Ebene dar.