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The stereotypical image of manumission involves a benign plantation owner freeing his slaves on his deathbed. But as Stephen Whitman demonstrates, the truth was far more complex, especially in the border states where manumission was much more common. Paradoxically, in the decades following the Revolution, slavery in Baltimore gained strength even as slaves were being freed in record numbers. The vigorous growth of the city required the exploitation of rural slaves with craft skills. To prevent them from escaping and to spur higher production, owners entered into arrangements with their slaves, promising eventual freedom in return for many years of hard work. This practice of term slavery created a labor force affordable to small craftsmen and manufacturers and directly contributed to the urban development of the country's third largest city. A significant book that illuminates an important subject with unprecedented depth. -- Eugene D. Genovese The Price of Freedom reveals how blacks played a critical role in freeing themselves from slavery, both by striking bargains with their owners and by assisting those still enslaved after their own manumission. Yet it was an imperfect victory. Freed blacks were virtually excluded from craft apprenticeships, and European immigrants supplanted them as a trained labor force in the 1830s. When former slaves began to be perceived as an economic threat, the racism implicit in slavery became explicit.
True Freedom: Spinoza's Practical Philosophy focuses on the practicality of Spinoza's thought. This is revealed through the subsidiary themes of ethics as an experimentalism, Spinoza's conception of freedom, and the social themes of politics, religion, and the environment. While the book focuses primarily on Spinoza's major work, the Ethics. It also draws on the Theological-Political Treatise, the Political Treatise, and Spinoza's correspondence.
Constituting Freedom focuses on the question at the heart of Machiavelli's thinking, that is 'in what mode a free state, if there is one, can be maintained in corrupt cities; or, if there is not, in what mode to order it?' The book analyses the different solutions thought up by Machiavelli, starting from the hypothesis of the 'civil principality', the definition of the republican ' civil and free way of life' and the examination of the history of the Florentine institutions, to two short writings during the years 1520-1522, the Discursus florentinarum rerum and the Minuta di provisione per la riforma dello Stato di Firenze, in which Machiavelli explored publicly, for the first time, his projects to bring back the republican freedom in Florence after the fall of the first Republic of the City and the Medici's return. The book's main argument is that Machiavelli was always a committed republican, even when he worked for the Medici, and even though he believed that the city's constitution needed to change after the fall of Soderini. In the Discursus and in the Minuta Machiavelli proposed a constitution in which the 'humours' were forced to mix themselves with one another so as to be obliged to generate a new form of 'equality', which according to Machiavelli is the main characteristic of a free, just, and stable republic. The aim was not to obtain equilibrium among parts of the city leaving them unaltered, but to mix them. Only in this way could Florence return to being free.
Theories of justice often fixate on purely normative, abstract principles unrelated to real-world situations. The philosopher and theorist Axel Honneth addresses this disconnect, and constructs a theory of justice derived from the normative claims of Western liberal-democratic societies and anchored in morally legitimate laws and institutionally established practices. Honneth’s paradigm—which he terms “a democratic ethical life”—draws on the spirit of Hegel’s Philosophy of Right and his own theory of recognition, demonstrating how concrete social spheres generate the principles of individual freedom and a standard for what is just. Using social analysis to re-found a more grounded theory of justice, he argues that all crucial actions in Western civilization, whether in personal relationships, market-induced economic activities, or the public forum of politics, share one defining characteristic: they require the realization of a particular aspect of individual freedom. This fundamental truth informs the guiding principles of justice, grounding and enabling a wide-ranging reconsideration of its nature and application.
"The freedoms established by the Bill of Rights are celebrated as a part of America's national identity. But are they everything? Do freedoms from government persecution offer enough to live the American Dream? In Freedom Is Not Enough, economist Mark Paul considers the history of American rights and freedoms as determinants of American economic well-being. The failed promise of FDR's New Deal and LBJ's Great Society programs to secure positive rights for all Americans-the right to a decent education, a good job, adequate health care, and a greater capacity for economic flourishing-have left the country fractured by inequality and stifled in social mobility. Paul traces this shift not only to the unrealized promise of the twentieth-century reforms, but to the simultaneous rise of neoliberalism-the conflation of freedom and markets, the vilification of government intervention in public life-as a persisting source of American injustice. Building on the history of this trend, he offers policy prescriptions to reinvigorate American equality and mobility, including economic prescriptions for the most American question of all: how do you pay for it? A trenchant and deeply researched synthesis of economics, history, and public policy, Freedom Is Not Enough is a new case for one of America's founding promises. It promises to serve as a blueprint for positive change in a challenging time"--
"This book on freedom of speech and expression starts (Chapter 1) with an inter-cultural history of this valued right through the ages and then recalls (Chapter 2) the benefits for which we rightly value it. But what about speech that frustrates these benefits? Supporters of the benefits of free speech have reason to exercise voluntary self-restraint on speech which frustrates the benefits. They should also cultivate a second remedy: the art, illustrated in chapter 1, and called by Gandhi the art of 'opening ears', by other kinds of speech and conduct. Such voluntary methods are to be preferred to legal constraints. But (chapter 3) legal constraint is sometimes necessary. In the 21st century, social media funding based on manipulation of personal speech data requires skilful legislation and enforcement in favour of social media that protect our freedoms"--
From the early days of Hitler’s rise to power, Bronislaw Malinowski was an outspoken opponent of National Socialism. In response to this, Malinowski began to devote much attention to the analysis of war, from its development throughout history to its disastrous manifestations at the start of the Second World War. Freedom and Civilization, first published in 1947, is the final expression of Malinowski’s basic beliefs and conclusions regarding the war, totalitarianism and the future of humanity. This book will be of interest to students of politics and history.