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This guide covers the period from the Restoration of Charles II to the establishment of the Ministry of Defence in 1964. It includes the records of the Board of Ordnance, military intelligence and military aviation.
Volume One of the Official History of the Joint Intelligence Committee draws upon a range of released and classified papers to produce the first, authoritative account of the way in which intelligence was used to inform policy. For almost 80 years the Joint Intelligence Committee (JIC) has been a central player in the secret machinery of the British Government, providing a co-ordinated intelligence service to policy makers, drawing upon the work of the intelligence agencies and Whitehall departments. Since its creation, reports from the JIC have contributed to almost every key foreign policy decision taken by the British Government. This volume covers the evolution of the JIC since 1936 and culminates with its role in the events of Suez in 1956. This book will be of much interest to students of intelligence studies, British politics, international diplomacy, security studies and International Relations in general. Dr Michael S. Goodman is Reader in Intelligence and International Affairs in the Department of War Studies, King’s College London. He is author or editor of five previous books, including the Routledge Companion to Intelligence Studies (2013).
In its early years the United States Consular Service was a relatively amateurish organization, often staffed by unsuitable characters whose appointments had been obtained as political favours from victorious presidential candidates—a practice known as the Spoils System. Most personnel changed every four years when new administrations came in. This compared unfavourably with the consular services of the European nations, but gradually by the turn of the twentieth century things had improved considerably—appointment procedures were tightened up, inspections of consuls and how they managed their consulates were introduced, and the separate Consular Service and Diplomatic Service were merged to form the Foreign Service. The first appointments to Britain were made in 1790, with James Maury becoming the first operational consul in the country, at Liverpool. At one point, there was a network of up to ninety US consular offices throughout the UK, stretching from the Orkney Islands to the Channel Islands. Nowadays, there is only the consular section in the embassy and the consulates general in Edinburgh and Belfast.
This work investigates how various sacred spaces in Ottoman and Republican Turkey interfaced with British foreign policy. It considers how these spaces impacted upon British prestige in the context of its dealings with Turkey chiefly, as well as other Great Powers. The period covered is from the demise of the Levant Company in 1825, to the deconsecration of the Crimean Memorial Church in Istanbul, in 1976. Other sacred spaces discussed include the British Embassy Chapel, the Crimean War cemeteries, various British churches and cemeteries in Izmir, the Gallipoli cemeteries, connected with the campaign of 1915, and the Phanar, the Ecumenical Patriarch's home in Istanbul. The book considers how, and to what extent, the Foreign Office in London, and its staff in Turkey, intervened to secure those spaces, and why the politics of the Patriarchate intruded into the Foreign Office's geo-strategic considerations. It considers the limits of that support, and how dealings over sacred space intermeshed generally with British policy towards Turkey. It further explores the motives, not just of diplomats and consuls, who were instrumental in establishing or safeguarding those spaces, but also the aims of other organisations and of expatriate Britons, who were similarly involved. It also considers instances where such support became attenuated or was withdrawn. The book is unique in illuminating, in a broad fashion, the role of sacred space in the context of Anglo-Turkish relations, and British power projection in the Near East.
Diplomatic reports from the German Empire (Berlin), Baden and Hesse (Darmstadt), Saxony (Dresden), Württemberg (Stuttgart), and Bavaria (Munich).
By the early 1820s, British policy in the Eastern Mediterranean was at a crossroads. Historically shaped by the rivalry with France, the course of Britain's future role in the region was increasingly affected by concern about the future of the Ottoman Empire and fears over Russia's ambitions in the Balkans and the Middle East. The Regency of Tripoli was at this time establishing a new era in foreign and commercial relations with Europe and the United States. Among the most important of these relationships was that with Britain. Using the National Archive records of correspondence of the British consuls and diplomats from 1795 to 1832, and within the context of the wider Eastern Question, this book reconstructs the the Anglo-Tripolitanian relationship and argues that the Regency played a vital role in Britain's imperial strategy during and after the Napoleonic Wars. Including the perspective of Tripolitanian notables and British diplomats, it contends that the activities of British consuls in Tripoli, and the networks they fostered around themselves, reshaped the nature and extent of British imperial activity in the region.
This book uncovers the vital relationships between British troops and local inhabitants in France and Belgium during the First World War.
Domestic and international development strategies often focus on private ownership as a crucial anchor for long-term investment; the security of property rights provides a foundation for capitalist expansion. In recent years, Thailand's policies have been hailed as a prime example of how granting formal land rights to poor farmers in low-income countries can result in economic benefits. But the country provides a puzzle: Thailand faced major security threats from colonial powers in the nineteenth century and from communism in the twentieth century, yet only in the latter case did the government respond with pro-development tactics. In Land and Loyalty, Tomas Larsson argues that institutional underdevelopment may prove, under certain circumstances, a strategic advantage rather than a weakness and that external threats play an important role in shaping the development of property regimes. Security concerns, he find, often guide economic policy. The domestic legacies, legal and socioeconomic, resulting from state responses to the outside world shape and limit the strategies available to politicians. While Larsson’s extensive archival research findings are drawn from Thai sources, he situates the experiences of Thailand in comparative perspective by contrasting them with the trajectory of property rights in Japan, Burma, and the Philippines.