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Global growth is forecast at 3.0 percent for 2019, its lowest level since 2008–09 and a 0.3 percentage point downgrade from the April 2019 World Economic Outlook.
When legal experts finally saw the terms of the investment deal Canada had signed with China, they could hardly believe what their eyes. The deal was unprecedented -- Canada had never given so much away to a trading partner. But Ottawa did not allow a full public review, and ultimately ratified the deal in 2014 with no changes. And the government moved forward with other trade deals that contain many of the same flaws. In this book, investment treaty expert Gus Van Harten offers the first-ever independent take on the details of the China-Canada investment deal and what it means for Canadians. Many of the deal's provisions are so extreme that readers may find it almost impossible to believe that the Canadian government agreed to them. He explains how this agreement, and others like it, give multinational corporations and rich investors superpowers over governments. Secretive courts staffed by private lawyers, not judges, are able to order governments to pay these investors billions for policies and decisions they object to. In simple language and easy to follow analysis, Van Harten offers a window into this secretive and obscure world. He documents the many ways Canadians lose out in the China-Canada deal, and how taxpayers may find themselves footing the bill for billions of dollars to Chinese investors who object to the actions of democratically-elected municipal, provincial and federal governments. This deal -- in place for a minimum 15 years -- includes terms that may well turn up in other trade and investment agreements. Gus Van Harten offers practical steps for a better, more informed public debate on this vital topic.
At the time of a paradigm change Foreign Investment, Strategic Assets and National Security is a timely analysis of the changing attitude towards foreign investment in major economies, namely the United States of America, the People's Republic of China, Australia, Canada, and Germany, France and the United Kingdom as representatives of the European Union.Foreign investment has grown steadily for decades, and the de-regulation of international trade and investment was a widely accepted trend, particularly in developed countries. Increasingly, however, this development is encountered by opposition. Globalisation and socio-economic effects of mergers and acquisitions of domestic firms by foreign investors receive less support from the general public. Concerns about national security, protection of new technologies and competitiveness are raised. This leads national and regional legislators to develop new mechanisms to control foreign investments, particularly in light of national security. The widely adopted and traditional ex post approach linked to investment treaties is now enhanced by an increased focus on the phase prior to the actual implementation of the investment.This legal development and the new screening systems are captured in this book and it is explained how the present paradigm change is affecting the legal rules in practice. It is a must read for everyone working in the field.
This book analyses the adequacy of Mongolia’s legal system for foreign investment protection by conducting a multi-level assessment of international investment treaties, domestic legislation of the host State, and investor-State contracts from an international comparative perspective. The investigation distinguishes between three legal dimensions, each of which offers both substantive legal guarantees for the protection of investments in the host State and provisions for the settlement of investment disputes by arbitration. In the first dimension of Public International Law (PIL), Mongolia is bound by international investment treaties, which offer investors an international law setting. In the second dimension, a special domestic investment law defines the domestic framework for the establishment, promotion and protection of investments, but also for the conclusion of investor-State contracts. These contracts in turn open a third legal dimension, which represents a cross-section through the PIL and domestic-law dimensions of investment protection. Following the development of a multi-level system with legal dimensions that are not isolated but rather interrelated and mutually reinforcing, the book examines whether Mongolia’s international investment treaties and domestic investment law reflect globally shared international and domestic standards of treatment and protection of foreign investments. Lastly, the author inquires whether the domestic laws applicable to investor-State contracts in Mongolia allow investors and the Mongolian Government to agree on protective terms according to the (not uncontroversial) standards of international contract practice.
Is it all over for Canada? There are a number of thoughtful people who think so. Mel Hurtig, however, believes there is still a chance to reassert Canadian independence. But first, Canadians need to understand how much has been lost. Our politicians are not telling us. Our business leaders certainly are not telling us. And our media definitely are not telling us. The border dividing Canada and the United States has never been more fragile. Canada is vanishing. The evidence is available to those who know where to look for it. It can be found in reports published by Statistics Canada, the OECD, the World Bank, the United Nations and its affiliated organizations, and by a variety of research organizations including the Economic Policy Institute in Washington, D.C. In characteristically pungent prose, Mel Hurtig reveals the truth about health care, the banks, taxation, newspaper conglomerates, political funding, social spending, decentralization, privatization, globalization, sovereignty, competitiveness, Americanization, the war on drugs, corporate concentration, and the quality of life in Canada. He concludes with chapters on the concentration of ownership in the Canadian media, the need for electoral and parliamentary reform, the necessity of asserting Canadian sovereignty, and a final, positive chapter entitled “The Good Country.”