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As they emerge from conflict, states can rarely commence the arduous task of reconstruction and consolidate their governments until they undertake extensive restructuring of their security forces. Palestine, Lebanon, and Yemen are all fractured, quasi-democratic states with divided societies, and deep disagreement over what constitutes the national interest. Successful reform in each will require security institutions that answer to democratically-elected civilian leaders, but the U.S. and European approach has thus far focused largely on providing military training and equipment, targeted toward counterterrorist capabilities. To enable real reform, the West must adopt a comprehensive approach which treats security reform as only one part of a broader political strategy, and encourage governments and security commanders in Palestine, Lebanon, and Yemen to buy into such a strategy. Donor states should invest resources commensurate with their declared objectives, improve coordination, and standardize practices. Above all, they should make it a priority to build the institutions and procedures that are essential for democratic governance of the security sector, without which reforms become bogged down in internal power struggles. Pursuing counterterrorism in the absence of the rule of law perpetuates the undemocratic governance of the security sector and undermines state building and post-conflict reconstruction.
Based on extensive field research interviews and participant observation undertaken across several sites in Nablus and the surrounding area, it provides a bottom-up interpretation of the Palestinian Authority's agenda and challenges the popular interpretation that its governance represents the only realistic path to Palestinian independence. As the first major account of the Palestinian Authority's political agenda since the collapse of the unity government, this book offers a unique explanation for the failure to bring a Palestinian state into being and challenges assumptions within the existing literature.
Contents: (1) Intro.; (2) Background and Overview: Oslo-Era Security Assistance; Backslides and Delays in Reform: 2000-2007; USSC/INL Mission: 2007-2010; Future Prospects; (3) PA Security Org.; (4) How U.S. Efforts are Coordinated: U.S. Training Assistance to PA Forces: Forces Being Trained; Trainee Recruitment and Vetting; Substance of Training; U.S. Equipment and Facilities Assistance; (5) Deployment of U.S.-Sponsored, JIPTC-Trained PA Forces: Jenin, Hebron, Qalqilya, and Other Key Areas; During the Gaza Conflict; Assessing the Impact of U.S. Assistance; (6) Criminal Justice Sector Reform: The ¿Jenin Pilot Program¿ and Other U.S. and Internat. Efforts; (7) The Road Ahead: Challenges and Obstacles; (8) Options for Congress
This edited volume critically assesses emerging trends in contemporary warfare and international interventionism as exemplified by the ‘local turn’ in counterinsurgent warfare. It asks how contemporary counterinsurgency approaches work and are legitimized; what concrete effects they have within local settings, and what the implications are for how we can understand the means and ends of war and peace in our post 9/11 world. This book is essential reading for anyone interested in understanding recent changes in global liberal governance as well as the growing convergence of military and seemingly non-military domains, discourses and practices in the contemporary making of global political order.
Almost twenty years after the Oslo Accords and the formation of the Palestinian National Authority (PA), there is a need to examine this experience in all its aspects, especially since it has not achieved its main goal: the transition from an autonomous authority to an independent state with full sovereignty over the 1967 occupied Palestinian territories (West Bank and Gaza Strip). This book is a comprehensive study of the PA and its experience. The 15 chapters analyze the aspects of the PA establishment and its legislative, judicial and presidential institutions, as well as the performance of successive governments. The book deals with the internal Palestinian situation, the security forces, the PA position towards the resistance forces, and economic, demographic, educational and health conditions in the West Bank and Gaza Strip. It also tackles the corruption in the PA, the relationship between the PA and the media, as well as its foreign policy. This book is a systematic, scientific study that forensically documents the PA experience. It has undergone the usual procedures of scientific editing, including the reviewing of texts and references.
The Soldier and the Changing State is the first book to systematically explore, on a global scale, civil-military relations in democratizing and changing states. Looking at how armies supportive of democracy are built, Zoltan Barany argues that the military is the most important institution that states maintain, for without military elites who support democratic governance, democracy cannot be consolidated. Barany also demonstrates that building democratic armies is the quintessential task of newly democratizing regimes. But how do democratic armies come about? What conditions encourage or impede democratic civil-military relations? And how can the state ensure the allegiance of its soldiers? Barany examines the experiences of developing countries and the armed forces in the context of major political change in six specific settings: in the wake of war and civil war, after military and communist regimes, and following colonialism and unification/apartheid. He evaluates the army-building and democratization experiences of twenty-seven countries and explains which predemocratic settings are most conducive to creating a military that will support democracy. Highlighting important factors and suggesting which reforms can be expected to work and fail in different environments, he offers practical policy recommendations to state-builders and democratizers.
This edited volume discusses security policy and strategic policymaking in the Middle East region. Due to its unique geopolitical, geoeconomic and geostrategic features, the Middle East region has been confronted with challenging security issues. Combined with a lack of an efficient regional security regime this has led to the formation of a full-fledged arms race. This book draws together contributions from international experts to address the factors that have been contributing to the ongoing formation of an arms race in the Middle East as well as the impact of this phenomenon on the regional and global security environment. The book is organized in three sections. The first section outlines the contemporary dynamics of the arms race in the Middle East by focusing on its most recent dynamics and their implications for regional and international security. The second section conducts systematic analysis of case studies of country-specific drivers of the arms race. The third and final section examines the role of external actors in the arms race, evaluating both the responses of regional actors to external interventions as well as the implications of the arms race for extra-regional countries.
This book explores and analyses the various factors that affected the formulation of the common EU policy towards the MEPP, as well as the specifics of the process by which the EU created EUPOL COPPS and EUBAM Rafah. Based on confidential interviews with various actors in the process, uniquely granted to the author, it reveals the mechanics of decision-making behind the scenes and argues that the EU decision to expand its role in the MEPP, through the creation of the two missions, was closely related to the EU’s defined common interests in the Middle East.
After the attacks of 9/11 terrorism and other forms of transnational risks of violence dominated official security policy. Researchers at the Institute for Peace Research and Security Policy at the University of Hamburg investigated the consequences of this change for security governance in a multi-annual research program. Case studies show that transnational security policies changed, but that national governments remained dominant. In other words, the transnationalisation of threat perceptions only led to a limited internationalisaton of security policies. The volume presents results of the research program. It combines conceptual work on security governance with empirical research, for instance on counterterrorism, changing perceptions of security in international organizations, such as the European Union and the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe.