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This book deals with feminist institutionalism through asking the key question: can gender equality can be designed? It provides a critical analysis of the South African Commission for Gender Equality to assess its successes and failures over a more than 20-year period and provides insight into the design of structures of national gender machineries - how they are designed influences the outcomes for gender equality. The research in this collection sheds light on choices for institutional design of national gender machineries during democratic transitions, the co-optation of institutions, the silences and collusions of those selected to work in the institutions, the resourcing of institutions and their impact on policy making for women's substantive equality. This book will have a broad appeal for scholars of feminist institutionalism.
This book deals with feminist institutionalism through asking the key question: can gender equality be designed? It provides a critical analysis of the South African Commission for Gender Equality to assess its successes and failures over a more than 20-year period and provides insight into the design of structures of national gender machineries – how they are designed influences the outcomes for gender equality. The research in this collection sheds light on choices for institutional design of national gender machineries during democratic transitions, the co-optation of institutions, the silences and collusions of those selected to work in the institutions, and the resourcing of institutions and their impact on policy making for women's substantive equality. This book will have a broad appeal for scholars of feminist institutionalism.
During the course of the past three decades efforts of democratisation and institutional reforms have characterised the African continent, including demands for gender equality and women's political representation. As a result, some countries have introduced affirmative action measures, either in the aftermath of conflicts or as part of broader constitutional reforms, whereas others are falling behind this fast track to women's political representation. Utilising a range of case studies spanning both the success cases and the less successful cases from different regions, this work examines the uneven developments on the continent. By mapping, analysing and comparing women's political representation in different African contexts, this book sheds light on the formal and informal institutions and the interplay between these that are influencing women's political representation and can explain the development on women's political representation across the continent and present perspectives on an 'African feminist institutionalism'.
Informal norms and political practices can act to facilitate or block changes to formal rules, with important consequences for efforts to promote gender equality. In this book, leading scholars develop sophisticated analytical frameworks and provide detailed empirical knowledge to further our understanding of the gendering of informal institutions. The book begins by assessing our current theoretical and empirical knowledge and outlining the remaining gaps in our understanding around the way gender interacts with informal institutions. It takes up the challenges of gender equality in informal institutions though a feminist institutionalist lens. The empirically based chapters explore the role of informal institutions in three areas of concern for feminist scholars: political recruitment; the executive; and policy and practice; and examine the practical and methodological challenges of researching informal institutions. Using the insights generated in the volume, the final chapter develops a research agenda for future work on gendering informal institutions, considering the potential to design or alter informal institutions, and of different approaches and methodologies.
Gender has traditionally proven to be a ‘blind spot’ for new institutionalists. This book bring gender to the fore as a critical aspect of institutions and opens up new avenues to interrogate the dynamics of power and change. Casting its empirical lens on the EU, where institutional efforts to realize gender equality are quite pronounced, the book interrogates attempts to bring about more ‘gender just’ polities – supranationally, nationally, and more locally. The book takes a ‘best case’ scenario – with explicit transformative aims to the social (gendered) order – in order to illuminate how institutions and their gendering, help and hinder institutional change. In doing so, it aims to: 1) consolidate and expand the theoretical ‘toolkit’ in terms of synergies between feminism and new institutionalism’s various strands; and 2) bring it to bear on the trajectory of Europe’s gender equality agenda towards better understanding the institutional and institutionalized challenges to redressing gender inequalities.
Political institutions profoundly shape political life and are also gendered. This groundbreaking collection synthesises new institutionalism and gendered analysis using a new approach - feminist institutionalism - in order to answer crucial questions about power inequalities, mechanisms of continuity, and the gendered limits of change.
This book analyses the diffusion of norms concerning gender-based violence and gender mainstreaming of aid and trade between the EU, South America and Southern Africa. Norm diffusion is conceptualized as a truly multidirectional and polycentric process, shaped by regional governance and resulting in new geometries of transnational activism.
Conditions for global solidarities and social movements have changed radically since their high point in the 1990s United Nations conferences. This collection considers how political solidarities are being understood and constructed in a variety of cross-border struggles and for what ends under twenty-first century conditions. In studies grounded in different world regions at a variety of scales, authors address: how the Cold War divide and its aftermath have structured contemporary asymmetries in European LGBT movements and in ‘global’ feminisms; how ‘colonial difference’ in Latin America confronts feminist and social justice movements with problems of translation across worlds; how travelling concepts essential to constructing solidarities across distance and difference traverse linguistic divides and attendant power imbalances in world cities and transnational networks; how rurality as a form of colonial difference challenges established categories of intersectional feminism. Feminist politics of power and difference, and attention to gendered agency, are at the centre of this inquiry into the possibility of twenty-first century solidarities across borders.
Sex remains one of the most salient demographic dividing points in American politics today. President Obama has women, particularly unmarried women, to thank for his re-election victory. The gender difference in voter support for the Democratic and Republican presidential candidates grew from twelve points in 2008 to eighteen points in 2012. This gender gap in candidate preference likely emerges because of gender gaps in policy preferences. Yet despite much scholarly and popular interest in this topic, the cause or causes of gender gaps in policy preference remain unclear. The Political Battle of the Sexes: Exploring the Sources of Gender Gaps in Policy Preferences examines gender gaps in policy preferences in the United States, outlines their form, and explores their causes. This work makes four contributions to the literature on gender gaps. First, it provides the first comprehensive look at gender gaps across time and various issue areas completed since the 1980s. Second, it provides a theoretical framework for explaining the causes of gender gap emergence that incorporates both nature (biology) and nurture (socialization) and provides the basis with which to predict the attitudes on which gender gaps will likely emerge. Third, it explores the causes of gender gaps in foreign and social policy, two of the policy domains where gender gaps continue to increase. Finally, it introduces a new way of conceptualizing biology based on emerging research in the hard sciences. Studying gender gaps remains difficult. Women comprise a very diverse group, and are divided by far more factors than the sex categorization that unites them. However, electoral realities demand that scholars studying political behavior pay attention to sex based differences in political preferences. Women exhibit consistent preference tendencies relative to men, and women remain more likely to show up on Election Day than men. As such, gender gaps have substantial political and practical implications for women in the United States. And while explaining their causes requires drawing from a wide array of fields, ranging from biology to economics, understanding the origins and consequences of gender gaps does much to further empirical research in public opinion and mass behavior.
This book explores women’s campaign strategies when they ran for state and national office in California from their first opportunity after state suffrage in 1911 to the advent of modern feminism in 1970. Although only 18 won, nearly 500 women ran on the primary ballots, changing the political landscape for both men and women while struggling against a collective forgetfulness about their work. Mostly white and middle-class until the 1960s, the women discussed in this book are notable for their campaign innovations which became increasingly complex, even if not consciously connected to a usable past. They re-gendered politics as political “firsts,” pursued high hopes for organizational support from their women’s clubs, accommodated to opportunities created through incumbency and issue politics, and explored both separatist and integrationists politics with their parties. In bringing these campaigns to light, this study explores the history of California women legislators and the ways in which women on the ballots sought to transcend gendered barriers, supporting women’s equality while also recognizing the political value of connections to men in power. Organized in a loose chronology with the state’s governors, this study shows the persistent nature of women’s candidacies despite a recurring historical amnesia that complicated their progress. Remembering this history deepens our understanding of women running for office today and solidifies their credibility in a long history of women politicians.