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After years of research, American syndicalist author H. R. Morgan presents a collection of the key statements made by the early Fascist leaders and their best thinkers. Included are criticisms of and solutions to all of the problems troubling the world today. Both the causes of global misery and the reasons for their having happened are plainly mentioned. The solutions are simply stated and strait forward. If you want to know why things today are the way they are, read this book. Contained within its pages is a sweeping panorama of pertinent statements made by those 'realists' of the twentieth century, that is actually, from the 1880's on up to today. "Fascism is not racism," says Morgan, "Fascism is realism." It is a doctrine of realistic social and economic policies for todays world. It is neither 'right-wing' or 'left-wing'; it is the extreme radical center. It is "thinking outside of the box" as they say. The book begins with a very informative introduction containing a large amount of historical background. It is, however, preceded with a preface of equally historical and semi biographical importance. Afterward is the main text called the 'Codex'. The 'Codex' is a long anthology of excerpts, quotes, paraphrases, citations and commentary. The book ends with a final word by Morgan. Also included is a complete bibleography and index. It is recommended for first or second year political science majors and for all those who are interested in the true meaning of Fascism for our time, rather than what they've seen and heard on television and in the mass media.
After years of research, American syndicalist author H. R. Morgan presents a collection of the key statements made by the early Fascist leaders and their best thinkers. Included are criticisms of and solutions to all of the problems troubling the world today. Both the causes of global misery and the reasons for their having happened are plainly mentioned. The solutions are simply stated and strait forward. If you want to know why things today are the way they are, read this book. Contained within its pages is a sweeping panorama of pertinent statements made by those 'realists' of the twentieth century, that is actually, from the 1880's on up to today. "Fascism is not racism," says Morgan, "Fascism is realism." It is a doctrine of realistic social and economic policies for todays world. It is neither 'right-wing' or 'left-wing'; it is the extreme radical center. It is "thinking outside of the box" as they say. The book begins with a very informative introduction containing a large amount of historical background. It is, however, preceded with a preface of equally historical and semi biographical importance. Afterward is the main text called the 'Codex'. The 'Codex' is a long anthology of excerpts, quotes, paraphrases, citations and commentary. The book ends with a final word by Morgan. Also included is a complete bibleography and index. It is recommended for first or second year political science majors and for all those who are interested in the true meaning of Fascism for our time, rather than what they've seen and heard on television and in the mass media.
National Syndicalist author H. R. Morgan has put together an invaluable reference work for the student of Corporate Syndicalism, Fascism, and social activism. Within the pages of this volume will be found a collection of many documents that are difficult to locate as well as many new translations of texts formerly available only in the original languages. Here is a collection of important and essential statements made by the original Fascists and Corporate Syndicalists as well as National Synarchists, Integralists, Peronistas, Falangists and many others. Much of the book has been translated from the original Portuguese, French, Spanish, Italian and Dutch. Morgan's wealth of subjectively acquired familiarity with Fascist ideology has made him an ideal interpreter of the translated texts as well as an adequate expositor of the doctrines which have originally been published in the English language. Some of the more valuable portions included are lengthy writings of such men as Jose Antonio Primo de Rivera, Jose Antonio Urquiza, Juan Peron, Benjamin Noyles, Lawrence Dennis, Oswald Mosley, Ziotio Garibaldi, Plinio Salgado, Gustavo Barroso, and many others. Also included are some hard to find and to translate manifestos from many countries. Some of these are from National Syndicalist Party-USA, American Fascist Movement, National Syndical American Falangist Party, National Synarchist Union of Mexico, National Integralist Movement of Brazil, Integralist Party of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, The Falangist Patriotic Movement of Uruguay, National Syndicalist Revolutionary Movement of Chile, The Futurist Manifesto, and others. H. R. Morgan's commentaries and introductories throughout serve as an excellent guide through the many pages of intense and sometimes angry political thought. This is a book you will return to time and again. This is a book that belongs on your shelf.
9/11 and its aftermath demonstrate the urgent need for political scientists and historians to unravel the tangled relationship of secular ideologies and organized religions to political fanaticism. This major new volume uses a series of case studies by world experts to further our understanding of these complex issues. They examine the connections between fascism, political religion and totalitarianism by exploring two inter-war fascist regimes, two abortive European movements, and two post-war American extreme right-wing movements with contrasting religious components. A highlight of this collection is a fresh article from Emilio Gentile, recently awarded an international prize for his contributions to our appreciation of the central role played by political religion in the modern age. This is preceded by an editorial essay by Roger Griffin, one of fascist studies' most original thinkers. Alongside these contributions the reader is presented with a wealth of work that redefines the complex concept of 'totalitarian movement' and our understanding of generic Fascism. Taken as a whole, it comprehensively analyses the links between particular totalitarian movements and regimes and the concrete historical phenomena produced in the light of current, radical theories of fascism, totalitarianism and political religion. This book will be of great interest to all students and scholars of international relations, politics and contemporary history. This volume was previously published as a special issue of the journal Totalitarian Movements and Political Religions.
“No single book is as relevant to the present moment.”—Claudia Rankine, author of Citizen “One of the defining books of the decade.”—Elizabeth Hinton, author of From the War on Poverty to the War on Crime NEW YORK TIMES BOOK REVIEW EDITORS’ CHOICE • With a new preface • Fascist politics are running rampant in America today—and spreading around the world. A Yale philosopher identifies the ten pillars of fascist politics, and charts their horrifying rise and deep history. As the child of refugees of World War II Europe and a renowned philosopher and scholar of propaganda, Jason Stanley has a deep understanding of how democratic societies can be vulnerable to fascism: Nations don’t have to be fascist to suffer from fascist politics. In fact, fascism’s roots have been present in the United States for more than a century. Alarmed by the pervasive rise of fascist tactics both at home and around the globe, Stanley focuses here on the structures that unite them, laying out and analyzing the ten pillars of fascist politics—the language and beliefs that separate people into an “us” and a “them.” He knits together reflections on history, philosophy, sociology, and critical race theory with stories from contemporary Hungary, Poland, India, Myanmar, and the United States, among other nations. He makes clear the immense danger of underestimating the cumulative power of these tactics, which include exploiting a mythic version of a nation’s past; propaganda that twists the language of democratic ideals against themselves; anti-intellectualism directed against universities and experts; law and order politics predicated on the assumption that members of minority groups are criminals; and fierce attacks on labor groups and welfare. These mechanisms all build on one another, creating and reinforcing divisions and shaping a society vulnerable to the appeals of authoritarian leadership. By uncovering disturbing patterns that are as prevalent today as ever, Stanley reveals that the stuff of politics—charged by rhetoric and myth—can quickly become policy and reality. Only by recognizing fascists politics, he argues, may we resist its most harmful effects and return to democratic ideals. “With unsettling insight and disturbing clarity, How Fascism Works is an essential guidebook to our current national dilemma of democracy vs. authoritarianism.”—William Jelani Cobb, author of The Substance of Hope
This book posits a new theory of fascism as a radical political community of experience. The author engages with a range of thinkers both critical of and inspiring fascism including Walter Benjamin, Albert Camus, Ernst Jünger, Carl Schmitt, Friedrich Nietzsche and Martin Heidegger. This book will be of interest to scholars of the history of political thought, fascism and Nazism.
This bold collection of essays demonstrates the necessity of understanding fascism in cultural terms rather than only or even primarily in terms of political structures and events. Contributors from history, literature, film, art history, and anthropology describe a culture of fascism in Japan in the decades preceding the end of the Asia-Pacific War. In so doing, they challenge past scholarship, which has generally rejected descriptions of pre-1945 Japan as fascist. The contributors explain how a fascist ideology was diffused throughout Japanese culture via literature, popular culture, film, design, and everyday discourse. Alan Tansman’s introduction places the essays in historical context and situates them in relation to previous scholarly inquiries into the existence of fascism in Japan. Several contributors examine how fascism was understood in the 1930s by, for example, influential theorists, an antifascist literary group, and leading intellectuals responding to capitalist modernization. Others explore the idea that fascism’s solution to alienation and exploitation lay in efforts to beautify work, the workplace, and everyday life. Still others analyze the realization of and limits to fascist aesthetics in film, memorial design, architecture, animal imagery, a military museum, and a national exposition. Contributors also assess both manifestations of and resistance to fascist ideology in the work of renowned authors including the Nobel-prize-winning novelist and short-story writer Kawabata Yasunari and the mystery writers Edogawa Ranpo and Hamao Shirō. In the work of these final two, the tropes of sexual perversity and paranoia open a new perspective on fascist culture. This volume makes Japanese fascism available as a critical point of comparison for scholars of fascism worldwide. The concluding essay models such work by comparing Spanish and Japanese fascisms. Contributors. Noriko Aso, Michael Baskett, Kim Brandt, Nina Cornyetz, Kevin M. Doak, James Dorsey, Aaron Gerow, Harry Harootunian, Marilyn Ivy, Angus Lockyer, Jim Reichert, Jonathan Reynolds, Ellen Schattschneider, Aaron Skabelund, Akiko Takenaka, Alan Tansman, Richard Torrance, Keith Vincent, Alejandro Yarza
This work traces the changes in classical Marxism (the Marxism of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels) that took place after the death of its founders. It outlines the variants that appeared around the turn of the twentieth century—one of which was to be of influence among the followers of Adolf Hitler, another of which was to shape the ideology of Benito Mussolini, and still another of which provided the doctrinal rationale for V. I. Lenin's Bolshevism and Joseph Stalin's communism. This account differs from many others by rejecting a traditional left/right distinction—a distinction that makes it difficult to understand how totalitarian political institutions could arise out of presumably diametrically opposed political ideologies. Marxism, Fascism, and Totalitarianism thus helps to explain the common features of "left-wing" and "right-wing" regimes in the twentieth century.
What is fascism? Is it revolutionary? Or is it reactionary? Can it be both? Fascism is notoriously hard to define. How do we make sense of an ideology that appeals to streetfighters and intellectuals alike? That is overtly macho in style, yet attracts many women? That calls for a return to tradition while maintaining a fascination with technology? And that preaches violence in the name of an ordered society? In the new edition of this Very Short Introduction, Kevin Passmore brilliantly unravels the paradoxes of one of the most important phenomena in the modern world—tracing its origins in the intellectual, political, and social crises of the late nineteenth century, the rise of fascism following World War I, including fascist regimes in Italy and Germany, and the fortunes of 'failed' fascist movements in Eastern Europe, Spain, and the Americas. He also considers fascism in culture, the new interest in transnational research, and the progress of the far right since 2002. ABOUT THE SERIES: The Very Short Introductions series from Oxford University Press contains hundreds of titles in almost every subject area. These pocket-sized books are the perfect way to get ahead in a new subject quickly. Our expert authors combine facts, analysis, perspective, new ideas, and enthusiasm to make interesting and challenging topics highly readable.
What this all adds up to is the re-establishment of freedom. Freedom to be ourselves; to have the right to our feelings; to have the right to our own thoughts; to have the right to free speech whatever it is that we have to say and to say it whenever and wherever we find ourselves. To have the right to see the truth in all things as we are able to perceive it. To deliberately recognize the reality that surrounds us as we engage in the continual struggle for genuineness. Keeping it real is good for all people; without this faculty fantasy and prevarication takes over. Our culture is our social environment. We need to have the power and the will to protect it. It is the womb of our civilization. Our innately personal ideals as well as our interpersonal social norms, mores, and colloquialisations our national integrity is being cancelled out by the corrupt regime in Congress and the Federal courts. We all have the right to live within the society and culture we were born into at the very least; the right to our own individuality, to our own opinions and to express our love of who and what we are. Unfortunately, the current phase that the Federal government has lapsed into is one of denying all of these rights to the degree that the Bill of Rights is superseded. Citizenship has become superfluous. It is time to get radical. It is past time for citizens to revolt. Otherwise this will soon become no different than any other oppressed country with the federal tyranny of the D. C. Treason Regime. HRM