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Health psychology is an offer of help, an effort to understand how biological, behavioral, and social factors influence health and illness. As one of the fast-growing sub-specialties, it has now outstripped other divisions of psychology in terms of excitement in the public eye. And yet a new occupation was built on somewhat unrealistic, idealized assumptions. The title of this book was therefore chosen to emphasize the fact that an extensive critique of those assumptions is essential. This book proposes arbitrary boundaries for a discourse on health psychology. The array of subjects is based on two major themes: the foundation of health psychology and the range of disorders where psychological knowledge might benefit the sick; and the question of whether or not health psychology has a systematic and pragmatic structure so as to qualify as a profession.
Health psychology is an offer of help, an effort to understand "howbiological, behavioral, and social factors influence health andillness." As one of the fast-growing sub-specialties, it has nowoutstripped other divisions of psychology in terms of excitement inthe public eye.
Health psychology is an offer of help, an effort to "understand how biological, behavioral, and social factors influence health and illness. Although its claim of a share of health care territory was never loud, it has become one of the fast-growing sub-specialties; it has now outstripped other divisions of psychology in terms of excitement in the public eye. And yet a new occupation was built on somewhat unrealistic, idealized assumptions; the title of this book was therefore chosen to emphasize the fact that an extensive critique of those assumptions is missing. Consequently, there has never been a consensus as to what should be studied first, what to include in and what should be omitted from the health psychology syllabus. This book proposes arbitrary boundaries for a discourse on health psychology. The array of subjects is based on two major themes; the foundation of health psychology and the range of disorders where psychological knowledge might benefit the sick; and the question of whether or not health psychology has a systematic and pragmatic structure so as to qualify as a profession.
"Sleep is one of the most important but least understood aspects of our life, wellness, and longevity ... An explosion of scientific discoveries in the last twenty years has shed new light on this fundamental aspect of our lives. Now ... neuroscientist and sleep expert Matthew Walker gives us a new understanding of the vital importance of sleep and dreaming"--Amazon.com.
Something is going wrong on many college campuses in the last few years. Rates of anxiety, depression, and suicide are rising. Speakers are shouted down. Students and professors say they are walking on eggshells and afraid to speak honestly. How did this happen? First Amendment expert Greg Lukianoff and social psychologist Jonathan Haidt show how the new problems on campus have their origins in three terrible ideas that have become increasingly woven into American childhood and education: what doesn’t kill you makes you weaker; always trust your feelings; and life is a battle between good people and evil people. These three Great Untruths are incompatible with basic psychological principles, as well as ancient wisdom from many cultures. They interfere with healthy development. Anyone who embraces these untruths—and the resulting culture of safetyism—is less likely to become an autonomous adult able to navigate the bumpy road of life. Lukianoff and Haidt investigate the many social trends that have intersected to produce these untruths. They situate the conflicts on campus in the context of America’s rapidly rising political polarization, including a rise in hate crimes and off-campus provocation. They explore changes in childhood including the rise of fearful parenting, the decline of unsupervised play, and the new world of social media that has engulfed teenagers in the last decade. This is a book for anyone who is confused by what is happening on college campuses today, or has children, or is concerned about the growing inability of Americans to live, work, and cooperate across party lines.
The field of health psychology has grown dramatically in the last decade, with exciting new developments in the study of how psychological and psychosocial processes contribute to risk for and disease sequelae for a variety of medical problems. In addition, the quality and effectiveness of many of our treatments, and health promotion and disease prevention efforts, have been significantly enhanced by the contributions of health psychologists (Taylor, 1995). Unfortunately, however, much of the theo rizing in health psychology and the empirical research that derives from it continue to reflect the mainstream bias of psychology and medicine, both of which have a primary focus on white, heterosexual, middle-class American men. This bias pervades our thinking despite the demographic heterogeneity of American society (U. S. Bureau of the Census, 1992) and the substantial body of epidemiologic evidence that indicates significant group differences in health status, burden of morbidity and mortality, life expectancy, quality of life, and the risk and protective factors that con tribute to these differences in health outcomes (National Center for Health Statistics, 1994; Myers, Kagawa-Singer, Kumanyika, Lex, & M- kides, 1995). There is also substantial evidence that many of the health promotion and disease prevention efforts that have proven effective with more affluent, educated whites, on whom they were developed, may not yield comparable results when used with populations that differ by eth nicity, social class, gender, or sexual orientation (Cochran & Mays, 1991; Castro, Coe, Gutierres, & Saenz, this volume; Chesney & Nealey, this volume).
Most parents today have accepted the message that the first three years of a baby's life determine whether or not the child will grow into a successful, thinking person. But is this powerful warning true? Do all the doors shut if baby's brain doesn't get just the right amount of stimulation during the first three years of life? Have discoveries from the new brain science really proved that parents are wholly responsible for their child's intellectual successes and failures alike? Are parents losing the "brain wars"? No, argues national expert John Bruer. In The Myth of the First Three Years he offers parents new hope by debunking our most popular beliefs about the all-or-nothing effects of early experience on a child's brain and development. Challenging the prevailing myth -- heralded by the national media, Head Start, and the White House -- that the most crucial brain development occurs between birth and age three, Bruer explains why relying on the zero to three standard threatens a child's mental and emotional well-being far more than missing a few sessions of toddler gymnastics. Too many parents, educators, and government funding agencies, he says, see these years as our main opportunity to shape a child's future. Bruer agrees that valid scientific studies do support the existence of critical periods in brain development, but he painstakingly shows that these same brain studies prove that learning and cognitive development occur throughout childhood and, indeed, one's entire life. Making hard science comprehensible for all readers, Bruer marshals the neurological and psychological evidence to show that children and adults have been hardwired for lifelong learning. Parents have been sold a bill of goods that is highly destructive because it overemphasizes infant and toddler nurturing to the detriment of long-term parental and educational responsibilities. The Myth of the First Three Years is a bold and controversial book because it urges parents and decision-makers alike to consider and debate for themselves the evidence for lifelong learning opportunities. But more than anything, this book spreads a message of hope: while there are no quick fixes, conscientious parents and committed educators can make a difference in every child's life, from infancy through childhood, and beyond.
Critical Theory Today is the essential introduction to contemporary criticial theory. It provides clear, simple explanations and concrete examples of complex concepts, making a wide variety of commonly used critical theories accessible to novices without sacrificing any theoretical rigor or thoroughness. This new edition provides in-depth coverage of the most common approaches to literary analysis today: feminism, psychoanalysis, Marxism, reader-response theory, new criticism, structuralism and semiotics, deconstruction, new historicism, cultural criticism, lesbian/gay/queer theory, African American criticism, and postcolonial criticism. The chapters provide an extended explanation of each theory, using examples from everyday life, popular culture, and literary texts; a list of specific questions critics who use that theory ask about literary texts; an interpretation of F. Scott Fitzgerald's The Great Gatsby through the lens of each theory; a list of questions for further practice to guide readers in applying each theory to different literary works; and a bibliography of primary and secondary works for further reading.
1. Biology and Human Behavior. One Brain or Two, Gazzaniga, M.S. (1967). The split brain in man. More Experience = Bigger Brain? Rosenzweig, M.R., Bennett, E.L. & Diamond M.C. (1972). Brain changes in response to experience. Are You a Natural? Bouchard, T., Lykken, D., McGue, M., Segal N., & Tellegen, A. (1990). Sources of human psychological difference: The Minnesota study of twins raised apart. Watch Out for the Visual Cliff! Gibson, E.J., & Walk, R.D. (1960). The visual cliff. 2. Perception and Consciousness. What You See Is What You've Learned. Turnbull C.M. (1961). Some observations regarding the experience and behavior of the BaMuti Pygmies. To Sleep, No Doubt to Dream... Aserinsky, E. & Kleitman, N. (1953). Regularly occurring periods of eye mobility and concomitant phenomena during sleep. Dement W. (1960). The effect of dream deprivation. Unromancing the Dream... Hobson, J.A. & McCarley, R.W. (1977). The brain as a dream-state generator: An activation-synthesis hypothesis of the dream process. Acting as if You Are Hypnotized Spanos, N.P. (1982). Hypnotic behavior: A cognitive, social, psychological perspective. 3. Learning and Conditioning. It's Not Just about Salivating Dogs! Pavlov, I.P.(1927). Conditioned reflexes. Little Emotional Albert. Watson J.B. & Rayner, R. (1920). Conditioned emotional responses. Knock Wood. Skinner, B.F. (1948). Superstition in the pigeon. See Aggression...Do Aggression! Bandura, A., Ross, D. & Ross, S.A. (1961). Transmission of aggression through imitation of aggressive models. 4. Intelligence, Cognition, and Memory. What You Expect Is What You Get. Rosenthal, R. & Jacobson, L. (1966). Teacher's expectancies: Determinates of pupils' IQ gains. Just How are You Intelligent? H. Gardner, H. (1983). Frames of mind: The theory of multiple intelligences. Maps in Your Mind. Tolman, E.C. (1948). Cognitive maps in rats and men. Thanks for the Memories. Loftus, E.F. (1975). Leading questions and the eyewitness report. 5. Human Development. Discovering Love. Harlow, H.F.(1958). The nature of love. Out of Sight, but Not Out of Mind. Piaget, J. (1954). The construction of reality in the child: The development of object concept. How Moral are You? Kohlberg, L.., (1963). The development of children's orientations toward a moral order: Sequence in the development of moral thought. In Control and Glad of It! Langer, E.J. & Rodin, J. (1976). The effects of choice and enhanced responsibility for the aged: A field experiment in an institutional setting. 6. Emotion and Motivation. A Sexual Motivation... Masters, W.H. & Johnson, V.E. (1966). Human sexual response. I Can See It All Over Your Face! Ekman, P. & Friesen, V.W. (1971). Constants across cultures in the face and emotion. Life, Change, and Stress. Holmes, T.H. & Rahe, R.H. (1967). The Social Readjustment Rating Scale. Thoughts Out of Tune. Festinger, L. & Carlsmith, J.M. (1959). Cognitive consequences of forced compliance. 7. Personality. Are You the Master of Your Fate? Rotter, J.B. (1966). Generalized expectancies for internal versus external control of reinforcement. Masculine or Feminine or Both? Bem, S.L. (1974). The measurement of psychological androgyny. Racing Against Your Heart. Friedman, M. & Rosenman, R.H. (1959). Association of specific overt behavior pattern with blood and cardiovascular findings. The One; The Many..., Triandis, H., Bontempo, R., Villareal, M., Asai, M. & Lucca, N. (1988). Individualism and collectivism: Cross-cultural perspectives on self-ingroup relationships. 8. Psychopathology. Who's Crazy Here, Anyway? Rosenhan, D.L. (1973). On Being sane in insane places. Learning to Be Depressed. Seligman, M.E.P., & Maier, S.F. (1967). Failure to escape traumatic shock. You're Getting Defensive Again! Freud, A. (1946). The ego and mechanisms of defense. Crowding into the Behavioral Sink. Calhoun, J.B. (1962). Population density and social pathology. 9. Psychotherapy. Choosing Your Psychotherapist. Smith, M.L. & Glass, G.V. (1977). Meta-analysis of psychotherapy outcome studies. Relaxing Your Fears Away. Wolpe, J. (1961). The systematic desensitization of neuroses. Projections of Who You Are. Rorschach, H. (1942). Psychodiagnostics: A diagnostic test based on perception. Picture This! Murray, H.A. (1938). Explorations in personality. 10. Social Psychology. Not Practicing What You Preach. LaPiere, R.T. (1934). Attitudes and actions. The Power of Conformity. Asch, S.E. (1955). Opinions and social pressure. To Help or Not to Help. Darley, J.M. & Latané, B. (1968). Bystander intervention in emergencies: Diffusion of responsibility. Obey at Any Cost. Milgram, S. (1963). Behavioral study of obedience.