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The American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences (AJISS), established in 1984, is a quarterly, double blind peer-reviewed and interdisciplinary journal, published by the International Institute of Islamic Thought (IIIT), and distributed worldwide. The journal showcases a wide variety of scholarly research on all facets of Islam and the Muslim world including subjects such as anthropology, history, philosophy and metaphysics, politics, psychology, religious law, and traditional Islam.
A detailed comparison of Lebanon and Israel/Palestine, two expanded states which have experienced conflict and stability domestically and in their mutual relations.
This book offers a systematic examination of the politics of Middle Eastern cities in a broad historical and comparative context. Focusing on the contribution of informal networks, the author examines four types. He reveals that, contrary to recent claims, informal associations do not necessarily play a stabilizing role in urban politics, but reveal themselves to be effective instruments for mobilizing popular dissent. Denoeux identifies conditions under which these informal urban networks can change their role from system-supportive to system-challenging. His analysis highlights the impact of Islam on contemporary forms of urban violence in the Middle East, and emphasizes the destabilizing potential for the urban poor. His approach sheds new light on the politics of Islamic fundamentalism and on the nature of urban unrest in a vital yet neglected region of the world and represents a very significant contribution to an emerging literature on informal political processes.
In this fascinating study, Carol Hakim presents a new and original narrative on the origins of the Lebanese national idea. Hakim’s study reconsiders conventional accounts that locate the origins of Lebanese nationalism in a distant legendary past and then trace its evolution in a linear and gradual manner. She argues that while some of the ideas and historical myths at the core of Lebanese nationalism appeared by the mid-nineteenth century, a coherent popular nationalist ideology and movement emerged only with the establishment of the Lebanese state in 1920. Hakim reconstructs the complex process that led to the appearance of fluid national ideals among members of the clerical and secular Lebanese elite, and follows the fluctuations and variations of these ideals up until the establishment of a Lebanese state. The book is an essential read for anyone interested in the evolution of nationalism in the Middle East and beyond.
Matthew Preston returns politics to its rightful place at the heart of the study of internal conflict. Rejecting approaches that emphasise economics or ethnicity, this comparative investigation of the wars in Rhodesia and Lebanon sets out the complex political dynamic that eventually produced the ultimately sucessful peace agreements of Lancaster House and Taif respectively. It was a dynamic, though, in which the ebbs and flows of events at the negotiating table and on the battlefield played only a supporting role. Rather more significant were power struggles within belligerent parties that brought consolidated yet unscrupulous leadership, growing disempowerment and suffering of civilians of all communities, and the acquisition and subsequent leverage over the belligerents by regional powers. Yet the years of negotiation over seats in parliament failed to usher in a democratic era in either country. 'Peace' brought a de-escalation in violence, but the political struggle continued, to be won decisively by Robert Mugabe's ZANU(PF) in independent Zimbabwe, and by Syria and her allies in Lebanon. At a time when Western leaders proclaim the political necessity of addressing 'failed states', 'Ending Civil War' provides a salutary reminder that the competing elites of those failed states possess their own political agendas, ones frequently resistant to the command of great but distant powers. The primary agendas of civil war in Rhodesia and Lebanon were not those of economic greed, nor of ethnic hatred, but of the age-old phenomenon of the struggle for control: of organisations, of civilians, and, ultimately, of the state. The idioms of violence were those of the time - cyclical bouts of fighting, massacres, assassinations and kidnappings -but the deployment of limited violence for political ends was one which Carl von Clausewitz would clearly have recognised.
Phares (political science, Florida Atlantic U.) examines the historical roots and emergence of Lebanese Christian nationalism, challenging the current state of Lebanese studies. He demonstrates the intellectual integrity of the Lebanese Christians' claims, and documents the deterioration of the political and military resistance and the loss of the Christian enclave. Includes numerous bandw maps, and an extensive listing of books, articles, periodicals, news media, radio programs, and documents in English, French, and Arabic. Annotation copyright by Book News, Inc., Portland, OR
This book combines a vast encyclopaedic history of the war in Lebanon with a penetrating sociological analysis. Tracing the war to its origins, the author shows that it has been primarily a surrogate war over Palestine which escalated into a conflict between the diverse Lebanese communities each afraid of being the player left standing in a macabre game of musical chairs. Hanf's central theme is the problem of conflict and conflict regulation between these groups. How were conflicts regulated peacefully before the war? How did the country come to be the battlefield of both a surrogate war and a civil war? How do the Lebanese view what has happened in their country? What are their aspirations and how do they conceive a realistic settlement? Is there any prospect of reestablishing coexistence between different elements of Lebanese society? The author sets out to answer these and other important questions using a wide range of literature as well as his own extensive research in the country. He writes optimistically, suggesting that although fear can breed a vicious circle of hatred and violence, it can also produce reason and compromise.