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Expression d'une critique à l'encontre des représentants de l'ordre social et politique, les émeutes tirent leur particularité de la brièveté et de la soudaineté de l'irruption dans la rue de la violence, celle des manifestants à laquelle répond celle des forces de " l'ordre ", légitimée par l'Etat. Comme le montrent les événements de 1965 au Maroc, le Jeudi noir de 1978 en Tunisie, ou Octobre 1988 en Algérie, les émeutes au Maghreb sont marquées d'une symbolique qui imprègne la vie nationale sur la longue durée. Cet ouvrage fait appel à plusieurs dimensions pour expliquer ces troubles. Approche économique qui peut considérer ces événements comme résultats des programmes d'ajustement structurel, de la sécheresse ou de l'exode rural ; produits de la maturation des contradictions qui traversent ces sociétés ; conséquences d'un manque de représentation politique ou exacerbation d'une crise politique ; ou encore résultats d'attentes déçues, de désillusions accumulées et d'un ressentiment croissant devant la perception des injustices. Ces approches croisées abordent des questionnements qui aident à la compréhension des désordres urbains, comme les transformations sociales qui traversent ces sociétés, les contradictions qui les affectent et la forme du quadrillage institutionnel, policier et politique, avant et au cours de ces mises en mouvement. Elles s'interrogent sur les manifestants eux-mêmes, individus jusque-là isolés, engagés spontanément ou mobilisés à l'initiative d'acteurs collectifs. Font-ils partie de la catégorie " d'exclus ", de victimes du chômage ou de la crise du logement, ou bien ne rassemblent-ils pas aussi des couches qualifiées de la population vivant mal leur domination ? En expliquant ces événements à partir de facteurs structurels et conjoncturels, sur la longue et courte durée, les contributions développées dans cet ouvrage montrent que les émeutes peuvent être tenues pour une expression du mouvement social qui engendre ébranlements et mutations de la société. La perspective comparée adoptée dans ce livre renforce l'analyse des émeutes au Maghreb au regard de la compréhension d'événements du même ordre en Iran, en France, en Grande-Bretagne et au Pays basque.
L’analyse des mouvements sociaux permet d’examiner le processus du changement social et la nature de la relation qui lie l’Etat au citoyen. Après l’explosion des différentes émeutes au Maroc (1981, 1984 et 1990), la conquête pacifique de l’espace public urbain devient subitement un enjeu politique de taille. Depuis, la politique ne se déroule plus seulement dans les sphères conventionnelles. Elle se fait également dans la rue. Face à l’augmentation des mouvements sociaux protestataires, le pouvoir politique hésite, tolère, autorise, dialogue, mais interdit également avec violence des marches et des sit-in non autorisés. En 2005, les actions collectives des différents mouvements sociaux dans l’espace public (sit-in, manifestation, marche, etc.) se sont traduites en 700 protestations, soit une moyenne de deux sit-in par jour. Ce chiffre passe de 5.000 actions en 2008 à 6.438 en 2009 pour atteindre 8.600 en 2010 et plus de 18.000 actuellement, soit 50 protestations collectives par jour. Sous le gouvernement mené par le PJD, le nombre de protestations a été multiplié par 26 par rapport à l’année 2005. -- Publisher description.
This book takes predominant crowd theory to task, questioning received ideas about ‘mob psychology’ that remain prevalent today. It is a synchronic study of crowds, crowd dynamics and the relationships of crowds to political power in Tunisia, Libya and Algeria (2011-2013) that has far reaching implications embedded in its thesis. One central theme of the book is gender, providing an in-depth look at women’s participation in the recent uprisings and crowds of 2011-2013 and the subsequent gender-related aspects of political transitions. The book also focuses on the social and political dynamics of tribalism and group belonging (‘asabiyya), including analysis and discussions with Libyan regional tribal chiefs, Libyan and Tunisian tribal members and citizens regarding their notions of tribal belonging. Crowd language and literature are also central to the book’s discussion of how crowds represent themselves, how we as observers represent crowds, and how crowds confront languages of authoritarianism and subjugation. Crowds and Politics in North Africa includes interviews with crowd participants and key civil society actors from Tunisia, Libya and Algeria. Among these, there are numerous interviews with Benghazi residents, activists and tribal leaders. One of the original case studies in the book is the crowd dynamics during and after the attack on the US consular installation in Benghazi, Libya. The book presents interviews and fieldwork within a literary and cultural theoretical context showing how crowds in the region resonate in forms of cultural resistance to authoritarianism. A valuable resource, this book will be of use to students and scholars with an interest in North African culture, society and politics more broadly.
Why and how do some acts of protest trigger mass mobilization while others do not? Using the cases of Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia, and Libya, Mekouar argues that successful mass mobilization is the result of a surprise factor, whose impact and exceptionality is amplified by the presence of influential political agents during the early phase of protest, as well as by regime violence and unusual media coverage. Together this study argues that these factors create a perception of exceptionality, which breaks the locally available cognitive heuristic originally in favor of the regime, and thus creates the necessary conditions for mobilization to occur. This book provides a unique dialectical picture of mobilization in North Africa by focusing both on the perspective of those who mobilized against their local regimes and members of the security forces who were responsible for stopping them. Moreover, it offers a first-hand account of the tumultuous days preceding authoritarian collapse and explains the mechanisms through which political change occurs.
Before the 2011 uprisings, the Middle East and North Africa were frequently seen as a uniquely undemocratic region with little civic activism. The first edition of this volume, published at the start of the Arab Spring, challenged these views by revealing a region rich with social and political mobilizations. This fully revised second edition extends the earlier explorations of Egypt, Morocco, Lebanon, Saudi Arabia, and Turkey, and adds new case studies on the uprisings in Tunisia, Syria, and Yemen. The case studies are inspired by social movement theory, but they also critique and expand the horizons of the theory's classical concepts of political opportunity structures, collective action frames, mobilization structures, and repertoires of contention based on intensive fieldwork. This strong empirical base allows for a nuanced understanding of contexts, culturally conditioned rationality, the strengths and weaknesses of local networks, and innovation in contentious action to give the reader a substantive understanding of events in the Arab world before and since 2011.
The overthrow of the regime of President Ben Ali in Tunisia on 14 January 2011 took the world by surprise. The popular revolt in this small Arab country and the effect it had on the wider Arab world prompted questions as to why there had been so little awareness of it up until that point. It also revealed a more general lack of knowledge about the surrounding western part of the Arab world, or the Maghreb, which had long attracted a tiny fraction of the outside interest shown in the eastern Arab world of Egypt, the Levant and the Gulf. This book examines the politics of the three states of the central Maghreb--Algeria, Tunisia and Morocco--since their achievement of independence from European colonial rule in the 1950s and 1960s. It explains the political dynamics of the region by looking at the roles played by the military, political parties and Islamist movements and addresses factors such as Berber identity and economics, as well as how the states of the region interact with each other and with the wider world.
Moroccan Other-Archives investigates how histories of exclusion and silencing are written and rewritten in a postcolonial context that lacks organized and accessible archives. The book draws on cultural production concerning the “years of lead”—a period of authoritarianism and political violence between Morocco’s independence in 1956 and the death of King Hassan II in 1999—to examine the transformative roles memory and trauma play in reconstructing stories of three historically marginalized groups in Moroccan history: Berbers/Imazighen, Jews, and political prisoners. The book shows how Moroccan cultural production has become an other-archive: a set of textual, sonic, embodied, and visual sites that recover real or reimagined voices of these formerly suppressed and silenced constituencies of Moroccan society. Combining theoretical discussions with close reading of literary works, the book reenvisions both archives and the nation in postcolonial Morocco. By producing other-archives, Moroccan cultural creators transform the losses state violence inflicted on society during the years of lead into a source of civic engagement and historiographical agency, enabling the writing of histories about those Moroccans who have been excluded from official documentation and state-sanctioned histories. The book is multilingual and interdisciplinary, examining primary sources in Amazigh/Berber, Arabic, Darija, and French, and drawing on memory studies, literary theory, archival studies, anthropology, and historiography. In addition to showing how other-archives are created and operate, El Guabli elaborates how language, gender, class, race, and geographical distribution are co-constitutive of a historical and archival unsilencing that is foundational to citizenship in Morocco today.
This comprehensive volume investigates the dynamics of mobilization and demobilization of social networks before, during, and after episodes of political turbulence in the Middle East region, focusing particularly on the 2011 Arab uprisings. The authors consider important questions regarding agency, strategic action, and institutional outcomes that have significance for social mobilization, social movements, and authoritarian governance. This collection proposes an interactive perspective linking up contentious politics with routine governance through a dynamic articulation of repertoires of contention. The authors use a micro-mobilization perspective to frame the different trajectories of protest networks in times of uncertainty. They place the interactions between grassroots activists, structured organizations, and state actors at the centre of the explanation of change and stability in the recent mobilizations of the region. By starting with descriptions of interactions at the grassroots level, the authors then explain macro level dynamics between networks and other players, including the state. This book was originally published as a special issue of the journal Social Movement Studies.
In the current climate of political extremism and violence, much attention has been directed towards "radicalisation" as the reasons behind such courses of action, along with a conviction that those who are radicalised represent an irrational deviation from the conventionally accepted norms of social and political behaviour. This book focuses on the current issues and analytical approaches to the phenomenon of radicalisation in North Africa. Taking a comprehensive approach to the subject, it looks at the processes that lead to radicalisation, rather than the often violent outcomes. At the same time, chapters expand the discussion historically and conceptually beyond the preoccupations of recent years, in order to develop a more holistic understanding of a complex individual and collective process that has represented a permanent challenge to dominant political, social and, on occasion, economic norms. With contributions from academics and policy-makers within and outside the region, the book is a comprehensive investigation of Islamist Radicalisation. As such, it will be of great interest to academics and students investigating North Africa and terrorism, as well as specialists in radicalism and extremism.