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The first book to introduce the concept of emergency powers to the study of International Organizations, to investigate the emergency politics of IOs in comparative perspective, and to examine why IOS are often reluctant to rescind such powers when the motivating threat as passed.
Emergency Powers of International Organizations explores emergency politics of international organizations (IOs). It studies cases in which, based on justifications of exceptional necessity, IOs expand their authority, increase executive discretion, and interfere with the rights of their rule-addressees. This ''IO exceptionalism'' is observable in crisis responses of a diverse set of institutions including the United Nations Security Council, the European Union, and the World Health Organization. Through six in-depth case studies, the book analyzes the institutional dynamics unfolding in the wake of the assumption of emergency powers by IOs. Sometimes, the exceptional competencies become normalized in the IOs' authority structures (the ''ratchet effect"). In other cases, IO emergency powers provoke a backlash that eventually reverses or contains the expansions of authority (the "rollback effect"). To explain these variable outcomes, this book draws on sociological institutionalism to develop a proportionality theory of IO emergency powers. It contends that ratchets and rollbacks are a function of actors' ability to justify or contest emergency powers as (dis)proportionate. The claim that the distribution of rhetorical power is decisive for the institutional outcome is tested against alternative rational institutionalist explanations that focus on institutional design and the distribution of institutional power among states. The proportionality theory holds across the cases studied in this book and clearly outcompetes the alternative accounts. Against the background of the empirical analysis, the book moreover provides a critical normative reflection on the (anti) constitutional effects of IO exceptionalism and highlights a potential connection between authoritarian traits in global governance and the system's current legitimacy crisis.
Virtually every important question of public policy today involves an international organization. From trade to intellectual property to health policy and beyond, governments interact with international organizations in almost everything they do. Increasingly, individual citizens are directly affected by the work of international organizations. Aimed at academics, students, practitioners, and lawyers, this book gives a comprehensive overview of the world of international organizations today. It emphasizes both the practical aspects of their organization and operation, and the conceptual issues that arise at the junctures between nation-states and international authority, and between law and politics. While the focus is on inter-governmental organizations, the book also encompasses non-governmental organizations and public policy networks. With essays by the leading scholars and practitioners, the book first considers the main international organizations and the kinds of problems they address. This includes chapters on the organizations that relate to trade, humanitarian aid, peace operations, and more, as well as chapters on the history of international organizations. The book then looks at the constituent parts and internal functioning of international organizations. This addresses the internal management of the organization, and includes chapters on the distribution of decision-making power within the organizations, the structure of their assemblies, the role of Secretaries-General and other heads, budgets and finance, and other elements of complex bureaucracies at the international level. This book is essential reading for scholars, practitioners, and students alike.
Provides a framework for understanding how organizations are set up and the logic behind international organizations law.
Oxford Handbooks of Political Science are the essential guide to the state of political science today. With engaging contributions from 51 major international scholars, the Oxford Handbook of Political Theory provides the key point of reference for anyone working in political theory and beyond.
In December 2011, the United Nations General Assembly adopted the International Law Commission's articles on the responsibility of international organizations, bringing to conclusion not only nearly ten years of reflection by the Commission, governments and organizations on this specific topic, but also decades of study of the wider subject of international responsibility, which had initially focused on State responsibility. Parallel to this reflection by the Commission, diplomats and public officials, the body of international case-law and literature on the many facets of the topic has steadily been growing. Responsibility of International Organizations: Essays in Memory of Sir Ian Brownlie contributes to the body of international literature by collecting a broad spectrum of different and sometimes differing perspectives from well-known experts in the field, ranging from the bench to the Commission, academia, and the world of in-house counsel. The book is also a memorial to the renowned Sir Ian Brownlie, himself a former Chairman of the International Law Commission who, as a leading scholar and practitioner, greatly contributed to the reflection on international responsibility, including the responsibility of international organizations. Edited by Maurizio Ragazzi, a former pupil of Sir Ian, the book is an ideal companion to International Responsibility Today, a collection of essays on international responsibility which the same editor presented in 2005 in memory of Oscar Schachter, and to which Sir Ian Brownlie had contributed. The essays collected in Responsibility of International Organizations: Essays in Memory of Sir Ian Brownlie, conveniently grouped by the editor under broad areas for the reader's benefit, will be relevant not only to all those interested in this specific subject but also, more generally, to all those engaged in the field of international law and the law of international organizations.
Identifies the major weaknesses in the current United Nations system and proposes fundamental reforms to address each. This title is also available as Open Access.
EU Management of Global Emergencies: Legal Framework for Combating Threats and Crises provides a thorough analysis of the role played by the European Union (EU) in combating some of the global emergencies that currently affect, or are likely to affect, our planet. In particular, the potential of a “regional” model for coping with such emergencies is examined, taking into account the perceived inefficacy of traditional prevention and reaction mechanisms provided both by individual States and international organisations. The expression “global emergencies” refers to all situations, irrespective of the subject matter involved, which are characterised by an unexpected state of crisis which affects one or more regions of the world and call for an urgent and coordinated response from competent bodies and institutions. Furthermore, the book tests the role of the EU in managing global emergencies with respect to four broad areas: the economic and financial crises, the protection of the environment, terrorism and humanitarian aid, while maintaining focus on the legal framework within which the EU deals with such global emergencies in the light of the innovations brought about by the Lisbon Treaty. With contributions by leading experts in each of the identified set of challenges, EU Management of Global Emergencies: Legal Framework for Combating Threats and Crises aims at increasing the understanding of : (a) the contribution of regional organizations such as the EU to the management of global emergencies; (b) the effectiveness of the EU external action and the actual involvement of the EU in global cooperation processes against global emergencies; (c) global standards of human rights protection in relation to measures adopted in crises; and (d) the coordination mechanisms between the EU and other international organisations with a global or regional membership, in the management of global emergencies.
One Belt, One Road is China's bold plan to remake the global economy. It's an ambitious strategy with a $2 trillion – and rising – budget. The objective? To challenge the existing economic and political world order. One Road, Many Dreams reveals the true extent of China's ambition, analyses the impact of the One Belt, One Road initiative and assesses its chances of success and failure. This is the Asian century and China has a plan – to remake the world economy. Under its audacious One Belt, One Road strategy, China is investing trillions of dollars in hundreds of projects all around the globe. It's buying up ports, building transport networks and constructing major infrastructure. From hydroelectric plants to oil pipelines, China supplies the labour if needed, the raw materials and the finance, creating customers and boosting its own economy in the process. More than 80 nations have already joined China's increasingly less exclusive club and by 2049, when One Belt, One Road is set to end, its number of members is likely to rival the UN. So far, China has exercised its soft power of debt diplomacy and financial might shrewdly, serving the planet's overlooked middle-income and poor countries. The rest of the world needs to wake up because the scale of One Belt, One Road is unprecedented. Its implications for the global structure of power are potentially seismic as the geopolitical ties between Europe and Asia deepen. Written by three highly regarded political economists, One Road, Many Dreams examines the One Belt, One Road initiative from all angles. It looks at the projects and the players, the alliances and the governance. It explores the opportunities for China and the threat to the West, particularly for Trump's isolationist US administration. At home and abroad, China is staking its credibility as a superpower on One Belt, One Road. Its resources appear limitless, but One Road, Many Dreams asks a tough question: has China overreached? Or can it really pull this off and remake the world economy in its own interests?