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Two of the leading U.S. experts on Central America provide the definitive study of the history and reality of the situation in El Salvador through the early 1980s.
An investigation of the January 1932 massacre of thousands of rural laborers in El Salvador and its long-term cultural and political consequences.
Discusses the causes and development of the political unrest in El Salvador and examines the involvement of the Church and revolutionary organizations in the conflict
Since the first edition of this book appeared in 1982, El Salvador has experienced the most radical social change in its history. Ten years of civil war, in which a tenacious and creative revolutionary movement battled a larger, better-equipped, US-supported army to a standstill, have ended with 20 months of negotiations and a peace accord that promises to change the course of Salvadorean society and politics. This book traces the history of El Salvador, focusing on the oligarchy and the armed forces, that shaped the Salvadorean army and political system. Concentrating on the period since 1960, the author sheds new light on the US role in the increasing militarization of the country and the origins of the oligarchy-army rupture in 1979. Separate chapters deal with the Catholic church and the revolutionary organizations, which challenged the status quo after 1968. In the new edition, Dr Montgomery continues the story from 1982 to the present, offering a detailed account of the evolution of the war. She examines why Duarte's two inaugural promises, peace and economic prosperity could not be fulfilled and analyzes the electoral victory of the oligarchy in 1989. The final chapters closely follow the peace negotiations, ending with an assessment of the peace accords, and evaluate the future prospects for El Salvador and for the 1994 elections.
Why were El Salvador's FMLN and Peru's Shining Path able to mount such serious revolutionary challenges in the 1980s and early 1990s? And why were they able to do so despite the fact that their countries' elected governments were widely considered democratic? These two guerrilla groups were very different, but both came close to success. To explain why, the author examines the complex interplay among political and economic factors, the nature of the revolutionary organization, and international actors. McClintock emphasizes that the end of the Cold War does not mean the end of revolutionary groups, and that the United States can play an important role in determining the outcome of future confrontations. The book concludes with practical policy options for the U.S. government as it looks to foster peace and democracy in the western hemisphere.
A new aspect of low-intensity conflict can be seen today in El Salvador, where the decade-long insurgency appears able to continue without aid from traditional sources in Cuba and East Europe. The Farabundo Marti National Liberation Front (FMLN) made its debut in 1980, but not before a private support network was established in the U.S. and other western countries to provide funds and political support for its struggle to overthrow the Salvadoran government. The FMLN is the most sophisticated guerrilla force in Latin American history. Raising millions of dollars, the FMLN relies on a well-oiled propaganda machine run by American supporters to pressure Congress to weaken the Salvadoran government. Utilizing front groups, churches, and public figures, the FMLN's private network has stymied policymakers in Washington and San Salvador. This book illuminates this new dimension of low-intensity conflict that will confound the U.S. and its allies in the decade to come.
El Salvador’s 2009 presidential elections marked a historical feat: Frente Farabundo Martí para la Liberación Nacional (FMLN) became the first former Latin American guerrilla movement to win the ballot after failing to take power by means of armed struggle. In 2014, former comandante Salvador Sánchez Cerén became the country’s second FMLN president. After Insurgency focuses on the development of El Salvador’s FMLN from armed insurgency to a competitive political party. At the end of the war in 1992, the historical ties between insurgent veterans enabled the FMLN to reconvert into a relatively effective electoral machine. However, these same ties also fueled factional dispute and clientelism. Drawing on in-depth ethnographic fieldwork, Ralph Sprenkels examines El Salvador’s revolutionary movement as a social field, developing an innovative theoretical and methodological approach to the study of insurgent movements in general and their aftermath in particular, while weaving in the personal stories of former revolutionaries with a larger historical study of the civil war and of the transformation process of wartime forces into postwar political contenders. This allows Sprenkels to shed new light on insurgency’s persistent legacies, both for those involved as well as for Salvadoran politics at large. In documenting the shift from armed struggle to electoral politics, the book adds to ongoing debates about contemporary Latin America politics, the “pink tide,” and post-neoliberal electoralism. It also charts new avenues in the study of insurgency and its aftermath.
"Views Salvadoran insurgency of 1980s as 'negotiated revolution,' with adaptation and innovation more important than ideology to left's successes. Presents nuanced history of changes over time in positions of both FMLN and government-US bloc, especially ARENA, and two sides' eventual mutual approximation"--Handbook of Latin American Studies, v. 58.