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First Published in 1990. This volume of essays on the Dutch Caribbean considers areas that are of increasing importance on the international scene and on which little has been written. The Dutch Caribbean shares many of the features of the French-, Spanish- and English-speaking Caribbean. Like these other linguistic zones, the Dutch Caribbean emerged from a history of slavery and colonialism with economies rooted in, or characterized by, the plantation system.
Inevitably, at a panel discussion not too long ago comparing planning cultures the discussion turned on the issue of globalisation. As a member of the panel, this author asked those in the audience who lived and/or worked in a country different from their country of origin to raise their hands. About half of the audience of well over one hundred academic teachers and researchers from all comers of the world, the present author included did so. Next he asked who had a spouse or partner from a country different from their country of origin to also raise their hands. About half of the audience, the present author included, raised their hands. This is the soft side of globalisation. The soft side of globalisation is important. Exchanges, personal mobility, international romances, multi-culturalism and multi-lingualism (inevitably meaning non-native speakers struggling to keep up with native English speakers) are part of the academic scene, so much so that we can hardly imagine it to be otherwise. These are not entirely new phenomena, but they have become ever more prominent, relying on an ever more elaborate institutional infrastructure of exchange programmes, international journals, associations and the global conference industry. It was at the AESOP (Association of European Schools of Planning) congress at Bmo in the Czech Republic in July 2000 that the plan for this book was hatched.
Each vol. has also a distinctive title: v.1, 1950, The Caribbean at mid-century.- v.2, 1951, The Caribbean: peoples, problems, and prospects.- v.3, 1952, The Caribbean: contemporary trends.- v.4, 1953, The Caribbean, its economy.- v.5, 1954, The Caribbean, its culture.- v.6, 1955, The Caribbean, its political problems.- v.7, 1956, The Caribbean, contemporary international relations.- v.8, 1957, The Caribbean: British, Dutch, French, United States.- v.9, 1958, The Caribbean, natural resources.- v.10, 1959, The Caribbean, contemporary education.- v.11, 1960, The Caribbean, the Central American area.- v.12, 1961, The Caribbean, contemporary Colombia.- v.13, 1962, The Caribbean, Venezuelan development.- v.14, 1963, The Caribbean: Mexico today.- v.15, 1964, The Caribbean: its health problem.- v.16, The Caribbean: current United States relations.- v.17, 1966, The Caribbean: its hemispheric role.
In Caribbean and Atlantic Diaspora Dance: Igniting Citizenship, Yvonne Daniel provides a sweeping cultural and historical examination of diaspora dance genres. In discussing relationships among African, Caribbean, and other diasporic dances, Daniel investigates social dances brought to the islands by Europeans and Africans, including quadrilles and drum-dances as well as popular dances that followed, such as Carnival parading, Pan-Caribbean danzas,rumba, merengue, mambo, reggae, and zouk. Daniel reviews sacred dance and closely documents combat dances, such as Martinican ladja, Trinidadian kalinda, and Cuban juego de maní. In drawing on scores of performers and consultants from the region as well as on her own professional dance experience and acumen, Daniel adeptly places Caribbean dance in the context of cultural and economic globalization, connecting local practices to transnational and global processes and emphasizing the important role of dance in critical regional tourism.
Ultimately it is only with a renewed approach to U.S. policy - one that includes respectfully engaging with the myriad histories and cultures of the region - that we can hope to encourage strong and effective democratic traditions."--Jacket.
Pariah Politics breaks new ground in examining the issue of western Islamist extremism from the perspective of government. It links underlying causes to the capacity of governments to respond directly and to influence others. The book contains four main messages. Focusing on causes, not symptoms. The book identifies four big causal drivers: settled disadvantage, social isolation, grievance and oppositional cultures, and the volatile dynamics of global Islam. Governments can hope to influence the first two, using existing and innovative policy levers. The scope to make big changes in the latter two is severely limited. The circle of tacit support. Action by government to counter terrorism has relied too heavily on security policy measures to intercept or disrupt men of violence. This emphasis is misplaced. Though important, this fails to address the moral oxygen for violence and confrontation that exists within Muslim communities. Better focus and better levers. Ministers and officials need to think and act smart. They need to push ahead with social inclusion policies to broaden opportunity. They need to make more use of community-based strategies to isolate extremism. They need to promote civil society actions so that affected communities can take control of their own reputational future. And, they desperately need to avoid making things worse. Reputations matter. The pariah status of western Muslims has worsened by the fallout from terrorism. Few have anything good to say about western Muslims; still fewer can imagine an optimistic future. Yet earlier demonised groups, such as Jews or Asian refugees, have overcome significant hurdles, moving from pariahs to paragons. A credible willingness to tackle extremism is the most important first step to a reputational turnaround.