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The most comprehensive collection of writing by and about African-Americans ever to appear in one volume Never before has such an impressive and far-reaching mix of writings by African-Americans been gathered together into a single anthology. Combining an extensive selection of poetry, prose, speeches, songs, documents, and letters dating from the pre-Colonial era through today's best and most well-known writers, this anthology offers a testament to the pervasive influence of African-Americans on the political, creative, and cultural development of the United States, even well before its inception.
What does it mean to be an American? The story of the African American past demonstrates the difficulty of answering this seemingly simple question. What does it mean to be an American? The story of the African American past demonstrates the difficulty of answering this seemingly simple question. If being "American" means living in a land of freedom and opportunity, what are we to make of those Americans who were enslaved and who have suffered from the limitations of second-class citizenship throughout their lives? African American history illuminates the United States' core paradoxes, inviting profound questions about what it means to be an American, a citizen, and a human being. This book considers how, for centuries, African Americans have fought for what the black feminist intellectual Anna Julia Cooper called "the cause of freedom." It begins in Jamestown in 1619, when the first shipment of enslaved Africans arrived in that settlement. It narrates the creation of a system of racialized chattel slavery, the eventual dismantling of that system in the national bloodletting of the Civil War, and the ways that civil rights disputes have continued to erupt in the more than 150 years since Emancipation. The Cause of Freedom carries forward to the Black Lives Matter movement, a grass-roots activist convulsion that declared that African Americans' present and past have value and meaning. At a moment when political debates grapple with the nation's obligation to acknowledge and perhaps even repair its original sin of racialized slavery, The Cause of Freedom tells a story about our capacity and willingness to realize the ideal articulated in the country's founding document, namely, that all people were created equal.
When we leave our destiny in the hands of others and live our life in the past, we immediately destroy our future. Scientists in the human genome industry have proved that all humans are 99.9 percent the same. Why then are some ethnicities progressive and others nonprogressive? Our current problems are not with the slave or colonial masters. We Are Becoming the Problem Now! Had we continued in the legacy of our ancestors simply known as slaves, we ought to have been the pride and joy of the whole world. They went through unimaginable pain, sorrow, hardship, and torment. They survived and even succeeded by leaving a godly legacy behind in the Negro spiritual songs and in arts, education, industry, and every conceivable field. Our current major problems as blacks in Africa and all over the world simply put are leadership and disunity. We do the dirty work by self-destroying ourselves and each other. Only few illiterate Caucasian would engage in overt discrimination. The majority of us have been trained in the art and act of covert self-destruction and in the destruction of the whole. We have so much zeal but without knowledge. We must bear in mind that zeal without knowledge is dead, so also knowledge without zeal is equally lifeless (Romans 10:2). Not until we harness our zeal and knowledge comprehensively can we live a progressive life. It has been said that if the West is to stand still and halt all development and progress, Africa would never catch up. Yet we have PhDs in every conceivable field. Do we blame that on the ancestors of the slave or colonial masters? No! We are to be blamed. We Are Becoming the Problem Now! Those who have ears to hear, let them hear because time is of the essence.
In the decades since Black liberation theology burst onto the scene, it has turned the world of church, society, and academia upside down. It has changed lives and ways of thinking as well. But now there is a question: What lessons has Black theology not learned as times have changed? In this expansion of the 2017 Yale Divinity School Beecher Lectures, Allan Boesak explores this question. If Black liberation theology had taken the issues discussed in these pages much more seriously – struggled with them much more intensely, thoroughly, and honestly – would it have been in a better position to help oppressed black people in Africa, the United States, and oppressed communities everywhere as they have faced the challenges of the last twenty five years? In a critical, self-critical engagement with feminist and, especially, African feminist theologians in a trans-disciplinary conversation, Allan Boesak, as Black liberation theologian from the Global South, offers tentative but intriguing responses to the vital questions facing Black liberation theology today, particularly those questions raised by the women.
Lost in the Ohio River Valley in May 1793, twelve-year-old Clare and her two brothers struggle to survive in the wilderness and to avoid capture by the Shawnee Indians.
No place is perfectly safe, but some places are more dangerous than others. Whether we live on a floodplain or in "Tornado Alley," near a nuclear facility or in a neighborhood poorly lit at night, we all co-exist uneasily with natural and man-made hazards. As Mark Monmonier shows in this entertaining and immensely informative book, maps can tell us a lot about where we can anticipate certain hazards, but they can also be dangerously misleading. California, for example, takes earthquakes seriously, with a comprehensive program of seismic mapping, whereas Washington has been comparatively lax about earthquakes in Puget Sound. But as the Northridge earthquake in January 1994 demonstrated all too clearly to Californians, even reliable seismic-hazard maps can deceive anyone who misinterprets "known fault-lines" as the only places vulnerable to earthquakes. Important as it is to predict and prepare for catastrophic natural hazards, more subtle and persistent phenomena such as pollution and crime also pose serious dangers that we have to cope with on a daily basis. Hazard-zone maps highlight these more insidious hazards and raise awareness about them among planners, local officials, and the public. With the help of many maps illustrating examples from all corners of the United States, Monmonier demonstrates how hazard mapping reflects not just scientific understanding of hazards but also perceptions of risk and how risk can be reduced. Whether you live on a faultline or a coastline, near a toxic waste dump or an EMF-generating power line, you ignore this book's plain-language advice on geographic hazards and how to avoid them at your own peril. "No one should buy a home, rent an apartment, or even drink the local water without having read this fascinating cartographic alert on the dangers that lurk in our everyday lives. . . . Who has not asked where it is safe to live? Cartographies of Danger provides the answer."—H. J. de Blij, NBC News "Even if you're not interested in maps, you're almost certainly interested in hazards. And this book is one of the best places I've seen to learn about them in a highly entertaining and informative fashion."—John Casti, New Scientist
"The literature on Gandhi and Martin Luther King is vast, and scholars often speak of the two leaders when discussing theories of non-violence. Yet, no attempt has yet been made to understand the way in which Gandhi and King's socio-political ideas converge in terms of their origins, development and application. In Confluence of Thought, Bidyut Chakrabarty argues that there is a confluence of thought between Gandhi and King's concerns for humanity and advocacy of non-violence, despite their different historical and socio-economic contexts. He says that these two figures are perhaps the best modern historical examples of individuals who combined religion with the political to produce a dynamic social ideology. Gandhi saw service to humanity as the path to 'self-actualization' and thus spiritually most fulfilling; similarly, King pursued religion-driven social action. Chakrabarty looks particularly at the way in which each deployed religious and political language to draw the widest possible membership to their social movements. While Chakrabarty points out that neither thinker was able to fulfill his chosen mission, both suffering death by assassination, he positions the two as the premier modern influences on theories of non-violence today"--