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Since World War II, China has had a command economy administered under a dictatorship, while India's democracy has introduced a highly regulated economy. Despite obvious differences in their political systems, each country endured remarkably similar economic problems with respect to industry during the 1960s and 1970s. Both embarked in the 1980s on a series of industrial reforms designed to improve technology and efficiency in the use of resources, as well as to stimulate industrial growth in the face of declining productivity. For economists, the two countries offer an interesting test case for examining similar reform programs launched from disparate political and economic systems. For policymakers concerned with the region's stability, a clear view of the economic futures of these two major powers is paramount. Examining and comparing the reform experiences of China and India up to the present, George Rosen shows that although China enacted more sweeping reform measures and produced more impressive local growth, it also experienced more significant inflationary spurts. Two-thirds of each nation's population was involved in agriculture at the start of the reform period and nearly that many at the conclusion. Ultimately, the effects of the past industrial reforms in both countries in terms of significantly greater industrial employment or well-being of their populations were limited. An important lesson in these findings, argues Rosen, is that they actually reveal more about the political factors that limit and shape economic policy reforms in a dictatorship or democracy than they confirm the virtues of either capitalism or communism.
First Published in 1998. Routledge is an imprint of Taylor & Francis, an informa company.
This book is a penetrating study of the long conflict between China and Japan. Drawing upon history, geopolitics and geoeconomics, this volume examines these important Asian powers at the bilateral, regional, and global levels. Contributors examine issues including oil feuds, the Taiwan factor, and implications for U.S. interests in Asia Pacific.
I was born in Russia in 1920, and came with my mother to the United States in 1923 after my Father had died. My mother had a brother and sister here. I was brought up and educated in Bridgeport, Coan; and Brooklyn, New York and got my Ph.D. at Princeton. My study area is Economics especially economic development in Asia and international trade. I have taught Economics at BARD College and the University of Illinois at Chicago. Between those two academics I worked with the U.S. State Department, the UN, the Ford Foundation, the MIT Center for Intl. Studies, RAND Corporation and the Asian Development Bank carrying out research teaching and providing policy advice on economic issues for the U.S. and for various Asian countries. I have lived and worked in India, Nepal, China, Japan, the Philippines, Thailand, and Indonesia and have written eight books on political economic issues in those countries, as well as one book on Chicago decision-making. My autobiography both describes and examines my life and attitudes over those years. I could never have done this if I had not immigrated here, and I think not only I but the U.S. and the world benefited by my being allowed to come here. I could not have done that in Russia over the past 50 odd years.
In this first comparative study of organized labor in India and Pakistan, the author analyses the impact and role of organized labor in democratization and development. The study provides a unique comparative history of Indian and Pakistani labor politics. It begins in the early twentieth century, when permanent unions first formed in the South Asian Subcontinent. Additionally, it offers an analysis of changes in conditions of work and terms of service in India and Pakistan and of organized labor’s response. The conclusions shed new light on the influence of organized labor in national politics, economic policy, economic welfare and at the workplace. It is demonstrated that the protection of workers has desirable outcomes not only for those workers covered but also for democratic practice and for economic development.
This edited volume reconsiders the conventional wisdom, which argues that comparative performance (in economic, social, political, as well as diplomatic arenas) of China has been superior to that of India. The book brings together 'new paradigms' for evaluating the comparative performance of two countries. Essays show that if not outright wrong, conventional wisdom has proven to be overly simplified. The book brings out the complexity and richness of the India-China comparison.
Which factors identify "winners" (tigers) in the development game and which characterize "losers" (elephants) are described in this approach to understanding economic development in a post-cold war environment.
Which factors identify "winners" (tigers) in the development game and which characterize "losers" (elephants) are described in this original and comprehensive approach to understanding economic development in a post-cold war environment. "The book provides an honest, readable, and provocative introduction to the new rules of the development game."-J.T. Peach, New Mexico State University, from Choice
This book is the first major exploration of Indian political economy using a constructivist approach. Arguing that India’s open-economy policy was made, justified, and continued on the basis of the idea of openness more than its tangible effect, the book explains what sustained the idea of openness, what philosophy, interpretations of history, and international context gave it support, justification, and persuasive force. Drawing on a wide range of contemporary and historical sources, and going as far back as the 19th century, the author reconstructs how Indian policymakers have interpreted economic priorities, perceived success and failure, and evaluated the destiny of their nation. By the 1990s, their imperatives increasingly highlighted a sense of rivalry, especially with China, and globalism, a desire to play a strong role in world affairs. The book shows how a sense of nationalist urgency was created through globalism and rivalry, allowing policymakers to privilege international needs over domestic political demands, replace economic independence with interdependence as a priority, and ensure that the broad basis of India’s openness could not be challenged effectively even though certain policies faced severe opposition. This book will be of interest to those working on International Political Economy, Globalization, Economic History, Public Policy, and South Asian politics.
This book offers a comparative and historical analysis of foreign direct investment (FDI) liberalization in China and India and explains how the return of these countries' diasporas affects such liberalization. It examines diasporic investment from Western FDIs and finds that diasporas, rather than Western nations, have fueled globalization in the two Asian giants. In China, diasporas contributed the lion's share of FDI inflows. In India, returned diasporas were bridges for, and initiators of, Western investment at home. Min Ye illustrates that diasporic entrepreneurs helped to build China into the world's manufacturing powerhouse and that Indian diasporas facilitated their homeland's success in software services development.