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Over the past decade, congressional websites have become the primary way constituents communicate with their members and a prominent place for members to communicate with constituents. Yet, as we move toward the third decade of the 21st century, little work has systematically analyzed this forum as a distinct representational space. Evans and Hayden offer a fresh, timely, and mixed-methods approach for understanding how the emergence of virtual offices has impacted the representational relationship between constituents and members of Congress.
Digital information and networks challenge the core practices of libraries, archives, and all organizations with intensive information management needs in many respectsâ€"not only in terms of accommodating digital information and technology, but also through the need to develop new economic and organizational models for managing information. LC21: A Digital Strategy for the Library of Congress discusses these challenges and provides recommendations for moving forward at the Library of Congress, the world's largest library. Topics covered in LC21 include digital collections, digital preservation, digital cataloging (metadata), strategic planning, human resources, and general management and budgetary issues. The book identifies and elaborates upon a clear theme for the Library of Congress that is applicable more generally: the digital age calls for much more collaboration and cooperation than in the past. LC21 demonstrates that information-intensive organizations will have to change in fundamental ways to survive and prosper in the digital age.
This book demonstrates the consequences of legislators' strategic communication for representation in American politics. Representational Style in Congress shows how legislators present their work to cultivate constituent support. Using a massive new data set of texts from legislators and new statistical techniques to analyze the texts, this book provides comprehensive measures of what legislators say to constituents and explains why legislators adopt these styles. Using the new measures, Justin Grimmer shows how legislators affect how constituents evaluate their representatives and the consequences of strategic statements for political discourse. The introduction of new statistical techniques for political texts allows a more comprehensive and systematic analysis of what legislators say and why it matters than was previously possible. Using these new techniques, the book makes the compelling case that to understand political representation, we must understand what legislators say to constituents.
How politics in America works today, how it got that way, and how it’s likely to change through reform—these are the themes that pervade every chapter of Cal Jillson’s highly lauded American Government: Political Development and Institutional Change. Even in the midst of current challenges, America’s past is present in all aspects of the contemporary political system. Jillson uses political development and the dynamics of change as a thematic tool to help students understand how politics works now—and how institutions, participation, and policies have evolved over time to produce the contemporary political environment. In addition, Jillson helps students think critically about how American democracy might evolve further, focusing in every chapter on reform and further change. New to the 12th Edition: Assesses the characteristics and results of the Trump administration and the policy and tonal changes of the early Biden adminstration. Describes numerous ways in which the American political system has been affected by the Covid-19 pandemic Assesses the implications of the January 6, 2021 attack on the Capitol and what it implies for our political culture and partisan politics. Assesses the implication of "fake news" and "the move to mobile" for our politics. Explores the evidence for increasing polarization in public opinion, voting behavior, and the work of Congress and the courts.. Details the impact that the Russian invasion of Ukraine had on President Biden’s attempt to rebuild U.S. national security alliances.
Volume 6 of The Year in C-SPAN Archives Research series focuses on the rapidly changing rhetoric coloring American politics. An increasingly polarized electorate combined with advances in technology have led to a combative and pitched rhetoric through more and more outlets. Each chapter is interdisciplinary in nature, drawing on communication studies, political science, history, and other fields. Using the extensive collection of the C-SPAN Video Library, chapters cover the highly visible Thomas and Kavanaugh judicial nomination hearings as well as the ongoing debate around impeachment. Other pieces focus on the rhetoric of the 2008 Wall Street crisis, presidential campaign announcements, White House press conferences, floor time by women in the House of Representatives, the use of Twitter by legislators, and the puzzle of zero population growth. Collectively, they paint a picture of how Congress and the president approach the broad topic of political rhetoric using C-SPAN video as the basis for their research. The C-SPAN Video Library is unique because there is no other research collection that is based on video research of contemporary politics. Methodologically distinctive, much of the research uses new techniques to analyze video, text, and spoken words of political leaders. No other book examines such a wide range of topics—from immigration to climate change to race relations—using video as the basis for research.
Argumentation is often understood as a coherent set of Western theories, birthed in Athens and developing throughout the Roman period, the Middle Ages, the Enlightenment and Renaissance, and into the present century. Ideas have been nuanced, developed, and revised, but still the outline of argumentation theory has been recognizable for centuries, or so it has seemed to Western scholars. The 2019 Alta Conference on Argumentation (co-sponsored by the National Communication Association and the American Forensic Association) aimed to question the generality of these intellectual traditions. This resulting collection of essays deals with the possibility of having local theories of argument – local to a particular time, a particular kind of issue, a particular place, or a particular culture. Many of the papers argue for reconsidering basic ideas about arguing to represent the uniqueness of some moment or location of discourse. Other scholars are more comfortable with the Western traditions, and find them congenial to the analysis of arguments that originate in discernibly distinct circumstances. The papers represent different methodologies, cover the experiences of different nations at different times, examine varying sorts of argumentative events (speeches, court decisions, food choices, and sound), explore particular personal identities and the issues highlighted by them, and have different overall orientations to doing argumentation scholarship. Considered together, the essays do not generate one simple conclusion, but they stimulate reflection about the particularity or generality of the experience of arguing, and therefore the scope of our theories.
: Introduction -- Rhetorical agendas : a new framework for Senate representation -- Communicating Congressional priorities in the digital age -- "Short, not-so-sweet, and to (some) point" : Senate Tweets in 2013 and 2015 -- Categorizing Senators' Tweets and styles of communication -- Putting policy first : building a reputation as a policy wonk -- All politics is local : senators prioritize constituent service -- Partisan agendas : two parties, two patterns of partisan rhetoric -- Prioritization and representation : a future for social media and agenda-setting.
This volume covers an aspect of Congress mostly untouched in literature, examining Congress through the lens of sports. Across a set of broad and probing chapters, this book offers insights into some of the historic and contemporary challenges that sports have presented to Congress, along with highlighting the ways in which Congress has impacted the sports industry. The authors utilize a wide range of case studies to provide readers with a contemporary view of the interplay between Congress and sports, at both amateur and professional levels. Perspectives are drawn from an interdisciplinary and cross-organizational roster of authors, uniquely positioned to discuss various subjects. With real attention now being given to issues associated with sports, and an increasing number of lawmakers using sports to push policy agendas and create legislative opportunities, this book will be a vital resource for understanding the dynamic relationship between the two entities. Grounded in relevant literature, and written in an accessible and engaging manner, Congress and the Politics of Sports will be of great interest to both academic researchers and practitioners involved with US politics, Congress and congressional studies, public policy, sports studies and sport history.
As the Supreme Court has recognized, social media sites like Facebook and Twitter have become important venues for users to exercise free speech rights protected under the First Amendment. Commentators and legislators, however, have questioned whether these social media platforms are living up to their reputation as digital public forums. Some have expressed concern that these sites are not doing enough to counter violent or false speech. At the same time, many argue that the platforms are unfairly banning and restricting access to potentially valuable speech. Currently, federal law does not offer much recourse for social media users who seek to challenge a social media provider's decision about whether and how to present a user's content. Lawsuits predicated on these sites' decisions to host or remove content have been largely unsuccessful, facing at least two significant barriers under existing federal law. First, while individuals have sometimes alleged that these companies violated their free speech rights by discriminating against users' content, courts have held that the First Amendment, which provides protection against state action, is not implicated by the actions of these private companies. Second, courts have concluded that many non-constitutional claims are barred by Section 230 of the Communications Decency Act, 47 U.S.C. § 230, which provides immunity to providers of interactive computer services, including social media providers, both for certain decisions to host content created by others and for actions taken "voluntarily" and "in good faith" to restrict access to "objectionable" material. Some have argued that Congress should step in to regulate social media sites. Government action regulating internet content would constitute state action that may implicate the First Amendment. In particular, social media providers may argue that government regulations impermissibly infringe on the providers' own constitutional free speech rights. Legal commentators have argued that when social media platforms decide whether and how to post users' content, these publication decisions are themselves protected under the First Amendment. There are few court decisions evaluating whether a social media site, by virtue of publishing, organizing, or even editing protected speech, is itself exercising free speech rights. Consequently, commentators have largely analyzed the question of whether the First Amendment protects a social media site's publication decisions by analogy to other types of First Amendment cases. There are at least three possible frameworks for analyzing governmental restrictions on social media sites' ability to moderate user content. Which of these three frameworks applies will depend largely on the particular action being regulated. Under existing law, social media platforms may be more likely to receive First Amendment protection when they exercise more editorial discretion in presenting user-generated content, rather than if they neutrally transmit all such content. In addition, certain types of speech receive less protection under the First Amendment. Courts may be more likely to uphold regulations targeting certain disfavored categories of speech such as obscenity or speech inciting violence. Finally, if a law targets a social media site's conduct rather than speech, it may not trigger the protections of the First Amendment at all.