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Polarization is at an all-time high in the United States. But contrary to popular belief, Americans are polarized not so much in their policy preferences as in their feelings toward their political opponents: To an unprecedented degree, Republicans and Democrats simply do not like one another. No surprise that these deeply held negative feelings are central to the recent (also unprecedented) plunge in congressional productivity. The past three Congresses have gotten less done than any since scholars began measuring congressional productivity. In Why Washington Won’t Work, Marc J. Hetherington and Thomas J. Rudolph argue that a contemporary crisis of trust—people whose party is out of power have almost no trust in a government run by the other side—has deadlocked Congress. On most issues, party leaders can convince their own party to support their positions. In order to pass legislation, however, they must also create consensus by persuading some portion of the opposing party to trust in their vision for the future. Without trust, consensus fails to develop and compromise does not occur. Up until recently, such trust could still usually be found among the opposition, but not anymore. Political trust, the authors show, is far from a stable characteristic. It’s actually highly variable and contingent on a variety of factors, including whether one’s party is in control, which part of the government one is dealing with, and which policies or events are most salient at the moment. Political trust increases, for example, when the public is concerned with foreign policy—as in times of war—and it decreases in periods of weak economic performance. Hetherington and Rudolph do offer some suggestions about steps politicians and the public might take to increase political trust. Ultimately, however, they conclude that it is unlikely levels of political trust will significantly increase unless foreign concerns come to dominate and the economy is consistently strong.
The Congressional Record is the official record of the proceedings and debates of the United States Congress. It is published daily when Congress is in session. The Congressional Record began publication in 1873. Debates for sessions prior to 1873 are recorded in The Debates and Proceedings in the Congress of the United States (1789-1824), the Register of Debates in Congress (1824-1837), and the Congressional Globe (1833-1873)
This volume explores the foundations of trust, and whether social and political trust have common roots. Contributions by noted scholars examine how we measure trust, the cultural and social psychological roots of trust, the foundations of political trust, and how trust concerns the law, the economy, elections, international relations, corruption, and cooperation, among myriad societal factors. The rich assortment of essays on these themes addresses questions such as: How does national identity shape trust, and how does trust form in developing countries and in new democracies? Are minority groups less trusting than the dominant group in a society? Do immigrants adapt to the trust levels of their host countries? Does group interaction build trust? Does the welfare state promote trust and, in turn, does trust lead to greater well-being and to better health outcomes? The Oxford Handbook of Social and Political Trust considers these and other questions of critical importance for current scholarly investigations of trust.
A leading conservative intellectual argues that to renew America we must recommit to our institutions Americans are living through a social crisis. Our politics is polarized and bitterly divided. Culture wars rage on campus, in the media, social media, and other arenas of our common life. And for too many Americans, alienation can descend into despair, weakening families and communities and even driving an explosion of opioid abuse. Left and right alike have responded with populist anger at our institutions, and use only metaphors of destruction to describe the path forward: cleaning house, draining swamps. But, as Yuval Levin argues, this is a misguided prescription, rooted in a defective diagnosis. The social crisis we confront is defined not by an oppressive presence but by a debilitating absence of the forces that unite us and militate against alienation. As Levin argues, now is not a time to tear down, but rather to build and rebuild by committing ourselves to the institutions around us. From the military to churches, from families to schools, these institutions provide the forms and structures we need to be free. By taking concrete steps to help them be more trustworthy, we can renew the ties that bind Americans to one another.
Ahuja prescribes the practical measures that must be taken in order to restore civility and legislative efficiency to Congress, such as reapportioning legislative districts, restricting the influence of consultants, media, and interest groups, and regularizing social interaction among congressional opponents."--BOOK JACKET.
Does the public trust science? Scientists? Scientific organizations? What roles do trust and the lack of trust play in public debates about how science can be used to address such societal concerns as childhood vaccination, cancer screening, and a warming planet? What could happen if social trust in science or scientists faded? These types of questions led the Roundtable on Public Interfaces of the Life Sciences of the National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine to convene a 2-day workshop on May 5-6, 2015 on public trust in science. This report explores empirical evidence on public opinion and attitudes toward life sciences as they relate to societal issues, whether and how contentious debate about select life science topics mediates trust, and the roles that scientists, business, media, community groups, and other stakeholders play in creating and maintaining public confidence in life sciences. Does the Public Trust Science? Trust and Confidence at the Interfaces of the Life Sciences and Society highlights research on the elements of trust and how to build, mend, or maintain trust; and examine best practices in the context of scientist engagement with lay audiences around social issues.
Business reporting in a post-apocalypse global marketplace Clearly, now is the time for creating an effective business-reporting model appropriate for the markets of the twenty-first century. Rather than start from scratch after the Enron-Andersen fiasco, two leading consultants from PricewaterhouseCoopers present a plan that supplements the current model, one in which executives, accountants, analysts, investors, regulators, and other stakeholders can truly embrace the spirit of transparency. The Future of Corporate Reporting highlights the best practices for global financial reporting, explaining the concept of "performance auditing," which focuses on the real performance of the business as opposed to technical adherence to GAAS. Eccles and Masterson also discuss the pros and cons of GAAP v. IAS, present new approaches to reforming financial reporting, and outline a twenty-first-century model of accounting that will improve markets and benefit shareholders.
The "Action Training and Research" method of organizational development, pioneered by Neely Gardner in the 1960s, has become a classic methodology in public administration, despite the fact that GardnerÆs work was never published in book form. Raymon R. Bruce and Sherman M. Wyman have presented the power of GardnerÆs work in a form that speaks to the context of modern practice and scholarly thought. GardnerÆs methodology addresses how to change hierarchically structured public organizations whose management is rigidly vested in the status quo. He saw participative management as the key to achieving democratic organizations, reflecting the democratic values and norms of our society. He felt the devolution of management power in the organization enables the people doing the work of the organization to innovate and adapt to their "customerÆs" changing needs. It is, after all, those who are producing the goods and delivering the services that are best able to play a substantial and non-hypocritical role in the decisions concerning those goods and services, with the result that the most efficient and economic outcome will occur over time. The Action Training and Research approach focuses not so much on how to change organizations, but how to develop organizations that constantly change themselves. In this approach, each employee is a trainer and an agent of change. Remarkably, many of GardnerÆs principles are current todayùparticipative management, self-managed work groups and employees, outcome budgets, empowering the employee, and viewing the citizen as customer/owner. All provide a tool for organizational development in todayÆs public and private organizations. This volume will serve as a valuable guide to managers and consultants practicing organizational change in private and public sectors, at home or abroad. It will serve as an excellent resource to all students of action research methods.
Classic Books Library presents this brand new edition of “The Federalist Papers”, a collection of separate essays and articles compiled in 1788 by Alexander Hamilton. Following the United States Declaration of Independence in 1776, the governing doctrines and policies of the States lacked cohesion. “The Federalist”, as it was previously known, was constructed by American statesman Alexander Hamilton, and was intended to catalyse the ratification of the United States Constitution. Hamilton recruited fellow statesmen James Madison Jr., and John Jay to write papers for the compendium, and the three are known as some of the Founding Fathers of the United States. Alexander Hamilton (c. 1755–1804) was an American lawyer, journalist and highly influential government official. He also served as a Senior Officer in the Army between 1799-1800 and founded the Federalist Party, the system that governed the nation’s finances. His contributions to the Constitution and leadership made a significant and lasting impact on the early development of the nation of the United States.