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Clifford Sifton was at the centre of political controversies throughout his career. A study of his life and times focuses inevitably on major issues in Canadian history. Clifford Sifton: The Young Napoleon - the first of a two-volume biography - examines Sifton's early career including his years in the Manitoba legislature up to the mid-point of his service in the federal cabinet. After Sifton's first election in the 1880's, his political rise was dramatic. As Manitoba's attorney general from 1891 to 1896, he fought to establish Manitoba's national schools system - one of the major issues of his career. Like many westerners, Sifton believed the social structure of central Canada should not be imposed on the West and recommended rejection of the bilingual "cultural compact" of Confederation. Prime Minister Wilfrid Laurier made Sifton Minister of the Interior in 1896, and his voice became one of the strongest in the cabinet. In addition to his aggressive efforts to settle the Prairies, he helped to shape tariff policy, administered the Yukon during the problematic gold rush days, and became involved in policies related to the Indians, the International Joint Commission and Imperial connections. In the late 1890's he secretly purchased the influential Manitoba Free Press and used it to circulate politically biased stories to other western Liberal newspapers. This move damaged his reputation with many of his colleagues and with members of the public. Often under attack, Sifton was a born fighter who both generated and revelled in controversy - a proclivity which earned him the nickname of "the Young Napoleon."
A Lonely Eminence is the second of two volumes tracing the public life and times of Clifford Sifton, one of Canada's most controversial politicians. Volume II examines Sifton's life and work in the twentieth century, especially his political activities. Sifton's involvement in the early administration of the Yukon Territory is analyzed, as is his concern for a rational, all-Canadian transportation policy and his role in railway development in the west. Volume II of Clifford Sifton, like Volume I, is rich in historical detail and is the result of extensive research into original historical sources. The vitality and significance of Sifton's public and political career emerge from this political biography, which will be of interest to Canadian historians and political scientists, as well as to anyone interested in the growth and development of Canada.
The two volumes comprising Indian Education in Canada present the first full-length discussion of this important subject since the adoption in 1972 of a new federal policy moving toward Indian control of Indian education. Volume 1 analyzes the education of Indian children by whites since the arrival of the first Europeans in Canada. Volume 2 is concerned with the wide-ranging changes that have taken place since 1972.
Millions of immigrants were attracted to the Canadian West by promotional literature from the government in the late 19th century to the First World War bringing with them visions of opportunity to create a Utopian society or a chance to take control of their own destinies.
After the pioneers described in The National Dream, The Last Spike and Klondike came the settlers — a million people who filled a thousand miles of prairie in a single generation.
After an introductory chapter dealing with the conduct of external relations before 1909, the book examines three distinct phases of the department's development. Although the department had modest beginnings under the first under-secretary, Sir Joseph Pope (1909-1925), it was seen by his successor, O.D. Skelton, as an important instrument for the assertion of Canadian autonomy. Skelton presided over the establishment of the first Canadian diplomatic missions abroad, and was responsible for the creation of a foreign service to staff them. With the outbreak of the war in 1939, both the responsibilities and the size of the department underwent substantial organizational change under Norman Robertson, who became under-secretary after Skelton's death in 1941. Taken together, the criteria for recruitment introduced by Skelton and the reorganization which took place under Robertson gave the department many of the features which have characterized it as a branch of the Canadian government. The further development of the institution will be examined in a second volume covering the years 1946-1968. Since the prime minister was secretary of state for External Affairs during much of the period covered by volume I, the book contributes to an understanding of the operation of the Canadian government as a whole as well as of a single department. It also examines the policy making process and therefore will be of interest to students of international relations as well as of public administration.
Mennonites and their forebears are usually thought to be a people with little interest or involvement in politics. "Mennonites, Politics, and Peoplehood" reveals that since their early history, Mennonites have, in fact, been active participants in worldly politics. From western to eastern Europe and through different migrations to North America, James Urry's meticulous research traces Mennonite links with kingdoms, empires, republics, and democratic nations in the context of peace, war, and revolution. He stresses a degree of Mennonite involvement in politics not previously discussed in literature, including Mennonite participation in constitutional reform and party politics, and shows the polarization of their political views from conservatism to liberalism and even revolutionary activities. Using a wide variety of sources, Mennonite, Politics, and Peoplehood combines an inter-disciplinary approach to reveal that Mennonites, far from being the "Quiet in the Land," have deep roots in politics.
The image of the scrum – a beleaguered politican surrounded by jockeying reporters – is central to our perception of Ottawa. The modern scrum began with the arrival of television, but even in Sir John A. Macdonald’s day, a century earlier, reporters in the parliamentary press gallery had waited outside the prime minister’s office, pen in hand, hoping for a quote for the next edition. The scrum represents the test of wills, the contest of wits, and the battle for control that have characterized the relationship between Canadian prime ministers and journalists for more than 125 years. Scrum Wars chronicles this relationship. It is an anecdotal as well as analytical account, showing how earlier prime ministers like Sir John A. Macdonald and Sir Wilfrid Laurier were able to exercise control over what was written about their administrators, while more recent leaders like John Diefenbaker, Joe Clark, John Turner, and Brian Mulroney often found themselves at the mercy of intense media scrutiny and comment.
Horseback wrestling, catch-as-catch-can, glima; long before the advent of today’s WWE, forms of wrestling were practised by virtually every cultural group. C. Nathan Hatton’s Thrashing Seasons tells the story of wrestling in Manitoba from its earliest documented origins in the eighteenth century to the Great Depression. Wrestling was never merely a sport: residents of Manitoba found meaning beyond the simple act of two people struggling for physical advantage on a mat, in a ring, or on a grassy field. Frequently controversial and often divisive, wrestling was nevertheless a popular and resilient cultural practice that proved adaptable to the rapidly changing social conditions in western Canada during its early boom period. In addition to chronicling the colourful exploits of the many athletes who shaped wrestling’s early years, Hatton explores wrestling as a social phenomenon intimately bound up with debates around respectability, ethnicity, race, class, and idealized conceptions of masculinity. In doing so, Thrashing Seasons illuminates wrestling as a complex and socially significant cultural activity, one that has been virtually unexamined by Canadian historians looking at the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.
This book corrects an imbalance in Canadian political literature through offering a conservative account of Canadian political thought. Across 15 chronologically organized chapters, and with a mixture of established and rising scholars, the book offers an investigation of the defining features and characteristics of Canadian conservative political thought, asking what have Canadian conservative political thinkers and practitioners learned from other traditions and, in turn, what have they contributed to our understanding of conservative political thought today? Rather than its culmination, Canadian Conservative Political Thought will be the beginning of conservative political thought’s recovery and will spark debates and future research. The book will be a great resource for courses on Canadian politics, history, political philosophy and conservatism, Canadian Studies, and political theory.