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Katholische Volksparteien spielten nach 1918 eine zunehmend wichtigere Rolle in Europa. In den EWG-Gründungsstaaten trugen sie nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg zur Ausgestaltung der Europaidee bei, was ihm vielzitierten "Dreigestirn" Adenauer-De Gasperi-Schuman seinen Ausdruck fand. Zunächst werden die Wurzeln christdemokratischer Politik in Europa im 20. Jahrhundert offengelegt, anschließend geht es um christdemokratische Parteien in der Zwischenkriegszeit, im Exil und in der Nachkriegszeit. Ein weiterer Teil des Werks befaßt sich mit der transnationalen Parteienkooperation von Christdemokraten. Es werden die nationalen Traditionen, die Dichotomie zwischen christlich-sozialen und konservativen sowie zwischen katholisch-klerikalen und volksparteilichen Tendenzen aufgezeigt. Die Beiträge konzentrieren sich im wesentlichen auf drei zentrale Aspekte der Parteien: erstens ihre gesellschaftliche Verankerung und ihr Verhältnis zur katholischen Kirche, zweitens die Weiterentwicklung der christlichen Wirtschafts- und Gesellschaftsordnung und drittens die Entwicklung von Europakonzepten und die praktische Politik europäischer Christdemokraten. Ausgewiesene Experten interpretieren und kommentieren die Beiträge. Hervorzuheben ist ferner, daß auch Autoren für die mittel- und osteuropäischen Parteien gewonnen werden konnten. Der Band stellt eine erstmalige und umfassende Bestandsaufnahme für eine vergleichende Analyse christdemokratischer Parteien in Europa dar.
Since 1945, what ‘conservative’ means has troubled intellectuals, politicians and parties in the United Kingdom and West Germany. In Britain conservatism was an accepted term of the political vocabulary, denoting a particular tradition of political thought and practice. In West Germany, by contrast, conservatism was a difficult concept for the young democracy to swallow. It carried a heavy antiliberal and antidemocratic burden and led people to question whether there was a place for conservatism within democratic culture after all. The Guardians of Concepts scrutinizes the debates about conservatism in the UK and the Federal Republic of Germany from the late 1940s to the early 1980s. Informed by historical semantics, it conceives of conservatism as a flexible linguistic structure, and shows the importance of language for the self-understanding of many conservatives, who not by chance, have regarded themselves as the guardians of concepts. The intense national and transnational debates about the meaning of conservatism had far-reaching consequences and continue to influence politics today.
“Generation” has become a central concept of cultural, historical and social studies. This book analyses how this concept is currently used and how it relates to memory and constructions of historical meaning from educational, historical, legal and political perspectives. Attempts to compare different national generations or to elaborate boundary-crossing, transnational generations still constitute an exception. In trying to fill this gap, this collection of essays concentrates on one crucial moment of “the age of extremes” and on one specific generation: the year 1945 and its progressive politicians and intellectuals. Focusing on Italy, West Germany and France, it suggests that the concept of generation should be regarded as an open question in space and time. Therefore, this volume asks what role generation played in the intellectual and political debates of 1945: if it facilitated change, if it served as source of solidarity and cohesion and how post-war societies organized their time.
The period between 1917 and 1957, starting with the birth of the USSR and the American intervention in the First World War and ending with the Treaty of Rome, is of the utmost importance for contextualizing and understanding the intellectual origins of the European Community. During this time of 'crisis,' many contemporaries, especially intellectuals, felt they faced a momentous decision which could bring about a radically different future. The understanding of what Europe was and what it should be was questioned in a profound way, forcing Europeans to react. The idea of a specifically European unity finally became, at least for some, a feasible project, not only to avoid another war but to avoid the destruction of the idea of European unity. This volume reassesses the relationship between ideas of Europe and the European project and reconsiders the impact of long and short-term political transformations on assumptions about the continent’s scope, nature, role and significance.
Catholic Labor Movements in Europe narrates the history of industrial labor movements of Catholic inspiration in the period from the onset of World War I to the reconstruction after World War II. The stated goal of concerned Catholics in the 1920s and 1930s was to "rechristianize society." But dominant labor movements in many countries during this period consisted of socialist elements that viewed religion as an obstacle to social progress. It was a daunting challenge to build robust organizations of Catholics who identified themselves with the working classes and their struggles.
Brexit, populism, and Euroscepticism seem to have challenged old assumptions about European integration and raised the prospect of disintegration. This book re-examines why the European Union and its forerunners were created and investigates how and why they have changed. It links contemporary events to historical explanation, arguing that there were long-term sets of conditions, dating back to the 1920s, which pushed European governments to cooperate economically and to try to resolve their diplomatic differences. The failure of the French and German governments to create what Aristide Briand had called a 'European federal union' demonstrated both the precariousness of the enterprise and its connection to the domestic politics of European states. After 1945, the unexpected advent of a 'Cold War' and the military, diplomatic and economic presence of the United States in Europe facilitated the gradual development of habits of cooperation and institutional 'integration', but they also placed limits on European governments' activities, as did disagreements between political parties and the expectations of citizens. As a consequence, supranational bodies such as the European Commission have been accompanied - and often overshadowed - by intergovernmental institutions such as the European Council, with the EU as a whole functioning in important respects as a type of confederation. The volume addresses a series of large-scale historical questions which are integral to an understanding of the European Union. It asks how and why citizens of member states have identified with the EU; how matters of 'security' affected the development of the European Community during and after the Cold War; whether economic and social convergence have taken place, and with what consequences; and why European institutions have come to function as they have. The study is thematic, focusing on the most important aspects of European integration and explaining why member states have decided to carry out - or have consented to - the unique experiment of the European Union.
Transatlantic democracy in the 20th century - this concept goes beyond the idea of an American civilizing mission in Europe after two World Wars, and certainly beyond the notion of re-educating Germans, and making them fit for Western institutions after Nazism. As democracy is being contested anew in the beginning of the 21st century, a much more complicated landscape of democracy since 1900 emerges. Transfer was not a one-way-street, and patterns of conflict and transformation affected both American and European political societies. American democracy may not be reduced to a resilient defense of original traditions, while the narrative of German democracy is more than redemption from catastrophe. The essays in this volume contribute to a new history of transatlantic democracy that accounts for its manifold experiences and constant renegotiations, up to the current challenges of American and European populism.
Debates on the role of Christian Democracy in Central and Eastern Europe too often remain strongly tied to national historiographies. With the edited collection the contributing authors aim to reconstruct Christian Democracy’s role in the fall of Communism from a bird's-eye perspective by covering the entire region and by taking “third-way” options in the broader political imaginary of late-Cold War Europe into account. The book’s twelve chapters present the most recent insights on this topic and connect scholarship on the Iron Curtain’s collapse with scholarship on political Catholicism. Christian Democracy and the Fall of Communism offers the reader a two-fold perspective. The first approach examines the efforts undertaken by Western European actors who wanted to foster or support Christian Democratic initiatives in Central and Eastern Europe. The second approach is devoted to the (re-)emergence of homegrown Christian Democratic formations in the 1980s and 1990s. One of the volume’s seminal contributions lies in its documentation of the decisive role that Christian Democracy played in supporting the political and anti-political forces that engineered the collapse of Communism from within between 1989 and 1991.
This volume represents a historical comparison of the American and the EU European constitutional experiences and lessons to be derived therefrom for the present time. It is designed to deepen the understanding of the historical and political dimensions of constitutional designs and practises on two continents. Hopefully, such historical depth charts will expand the horizon of debates among experts and decision-makers. The first part concentrates on the historical dimension. It deals with the experiences and perceptions of basic American political principles, developments of international and humanitarian law, and the historical dimension of constitutional debates. The second part of the book aims at culling potential lessons from the American constitutional experience and the remarkable longevity of the U.S. constitution. Additional chapters concentrate on specific aspects and elements of the European constitutional debate (courts of law, human rights, minority protections, as well as gender equality). Still other contributions focus on the historical context of the recent European Constitutional Convention. Chapters on writing a European 'bill of rights', the EU reform debates of the 1990s, and finally an analysis of the Brussels Constitutional Summit of June 2004 are also included. The spillover effects of the economic and monetary union on the constitutional debates are covered here, as well as Asian perceptions of European integration. Practitioners and scholars address in this volume historical, political and diplomatic dimensions and achievements in the process of European constitution making and ist chances of success in the future. Finally, the current tensions in the Atlantic world are analysed and what they may portend for the future of European Union security options.
Despite having made its first application for EEC membership in 1959, Turkey’s bid to join the EU remains as controversial as ever, with Turkey and EU relations arguably at an all–time low in the aftermath of the attempted coup d’état of July 2016. In this context, the essays here, while using (de)Europeanisation as a broad theoretical framework, explore the current state of Turkey’s EU accession bid from a variety of perspectives, including discourse analysis, Euroscepticism and institutionalist approaches. The essays focus not only on discursive and policy (de)Europeanisation within Turkey, but also examine both official EU and European right–wing Eurosceptic discourse on Turkish accession, as well as approaching the Turkish accession process through comparisons with the contemporary Western Balkan countries and with post–war Germany.