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The future of European Monetary Union (EMU) stands as one of the most important economic issues of the era. The author argues that in the event of macroeconomic shocks, rather than acting as a cohesive force, EMU could give rise to disunity. As EMU is not an optimal currency area, asymmetric shocks affecting each country differently could be critical to its future. The success of EMU depends upon the ability of institutions in the EU to satisfy the monetary and fiscal policy demands of sufficient numbers of national constituents, interest groups, and multinational corporations. This book employs principles from public choice to analyze the EU institutions that participate in the monetary policy making process of EMU and assesses whether they have the mechanisms to cope with asymmetric macroeconomic shocks. In particular, it examines the European Council, Council of Ministers, European Commission, European Parliament and the European Central Bank. This book provides an invaluable critique of the EMU plan and will be of interest to scholars of European economics, macroeconomics and public choice.
The Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) has prompted much discussion. This book stands back and considers the relevant theory or what lessons might be drawn from other unions that have been formed as well as looking at EMU directly.
This book makes a valuable, analytical contribution to recent debates on the ongoing institutional changes occurring within the European Union. It provides a comprehensive and diverse insight into a variety of areas, including in-depth studies of fiscal, monetary and voting issues, to help elucidate the current period of transitional change. The authors argue that a fiscal constitution is essential to help solve the deficits and debts that member countries face due to welfare state financing. Moreover, they believe that the successful implementation of a fiscal constitution is the key to a more coherent institutional setting for Europe as a whole. Although monetary institutions within the EU have already secured a degree of constitutional solution in the form of the euro, they warn that its stabilising power should not be overestimated: the European Central Bank has yet to experience financial crises like those faced by the Federal Reserve Bank. The authors move on to propose a new parliamentary design for Europe and assess the advantages for the elite of a small country to join the EU, compared to the population at large. This volume comprehensively explores the rapidly changing institutional configuration of the EU, employing both qualitative and quantitative approaches. It will be required reading for scholars of public choice, and those with an interest in political economy and EU integration. It is also an excellent sourcebook on European institutions and would provide useful complementary reading in a variety of undergraduate and postgraduate courses.
This book provides a thorough knowledge of the nature of the convergence criteria which states must meet in order to qualify for accession to the future Economic and Monetary Union of Europe and comprehensive coverage of both the economic and political rationale of the criteria within the framework of an international political economy approach. Thus, throughout the course of the analysis, three questions in particular are addressed: first, what is the relationship between the economics and politics of the convergence criteria; second, how do domestic and international factors impact upon their future realisation; and third what, overall, is the role of the state. This book gives valuable insights into the Economic and Monetary Union debate.
In the next few years, Britain will face a momentous choice in Europe. Should it join a single currency in the European Union? Or should it stay outside? This report is the result of an intensive enquiry into the implications of that choice, led by Lord Kingsdown, former Governor of the Bank of England. It examines the pros and cons of British participation; the likely consequences for the British economy, including inflation, interest rates and foreign investment; and the broader political implications of the choice. It makes an essential, non-party contribution to the clarification of the British debate on Europe.
Europe’s financial crisis cannot be blamed on the Euro, Harold James contends in this probing exploration of the whys, whens, whos, and what-ifs of European monetary union. The current crisis goes deeper, to a series of problems that were debated but not resolved at the time of the Euro’s invention. Since the 1960s, Europeans had been looking for a way to address two conundrums simultaneously: the dollar’s privileged position in the international monetary system, and Germany’s persistent current account surpluses in Europe. The Euro was created under a politically independent central bank to meet the primary goal of price stability. But while the monetary side of union was clearly conceived, other prerequisites of stability were beyond the reach of technocratic central bankers. Issues such as fiscal rules and Europe-wide banking supervision and regulation were thoroughly discussed during planning in the late 1980s and 1990s, but remained in the hands of member states. That omission proved to be a cause of crisis decades later. Here is an account that helps readers understand the European monetary crisis in depth, by tracing behind-the-scenes negotiations using an array of sources unavailable until now, notably from the European Community’s Committee of Central Bank Governors and the Delors Committee of 1988–89, which set out the plan for how Europe could reach its goal of monetary union. As this foundational study makes clear, it was the constant friction between politicians and technocrats that shaped the Euro. And, Euro or no Euro, this clash will continue into the future.
The creation of the European Union arguably ranks among the most extraordinary achievements in modern world politics. Observers disagree, however, about the reasons why European governments have chosen to co- ordinate core economic policies and surrender sovereign perogatives. This text analyzes the history of the region's movement toward economic and political union. Do these unifying steps demonstrate the pre-eminence of national security concerns, the power of federalist ideals, the skill of political entrepreneurs like Jean Monnet and Jacques Delors, or the triumph of technocratic planning? Moravcsik rejects such views. Economic interdependence has been, he maintains, the primary force compelling these democracies to move in this surprising direction. Politicians rationally pursued national economic advantage through the exploitation of asymmetrical interdependence and the manipulation of institutional commitments.
When the European Monetary System (EMS) was created in 1978, economists on both sides of the Atlantic predicted its inevitable and early failure. But today EMS is alive and well, continuing to defy conventional economic wisdom. Professors Fratianni and von Hagen address three questions raised by the success of EMS: how it was created, how it works, and how it may evolve into a full-fledged monetary union. They answer these questions in the context of international economics, explaining why countries with very different rates of inflation might be willing to link their currencies and exploring the choice between a currency union, in which several countries adopt the same money, and an exchange-rate union. They also seek to understand whether members of the European Community should all adopt the same currency. If so, what kind of adjustment process would be best - a gradual transition or a fast one? Their presentation is always clear and evenhanded, a model of empirical research and theoretical sophistication. This is an essential book for scholars of European integration in particular and of international political economy in general.