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This book enriches the evolving concept of soft power, and China’s approach to soft power, by considering how aspects of Chinese culture, notably the traditional martial art and health promoting exercise Tai Chi Quan, are being successfully promoted around the world by non-state actors, and how this fits alongside China’s state-sponsored soft power promotion. The book contrasts growing soft power promotion by China with the corresponding decline in such activities by Western states, outlines the growth of Tai Chi Quan societies worldwide and explores in detail why Tai Chi Quan appeals so strongly outside China. It shows how Tai Chi Quan introduces many people around the world to Chinese culture and builds links between people inside China and elsewhere in the world. It concludes that Tai Chi Quan achieves what soft power aims to achieve: a good image and long-term friendship.
"This book enriches the evolving concept of soft power, and China's approach to soft power, by considering how aspects of Chinese culture, notably the traditional martial art and health promoting exercise Tai Chi Quan, are being successfully promoted around the world by non-state actors, and how this fits alongside China's state-sponsored soft power promotion. The book contrasts growing soft power promotion by China with the corresponding decline in such activities by Western states, outlines the growth of Tai Chi Quan societies worldwide and explores in detail why Tai Chi Quan appeals so strongly outside China. It shows how Tai Chi Quan introduces many people around the world to Chinese culture and builds links between people inside China and elsewhere in the world. It concludes that Tai Chi Quan achieves what soft power aims to achieve: a good image and long-term friendship"--
Soft power is overlooked in the field of international relations, dismissed as lacking relevance or robustness as a theoretical concept. This book expands upon the idea of ‘soft power’ in international relations and investigates how soft power actually functions by looking at three case studies in Japan-China relations.
In China's Public Diplomacy, author Ingrid d'Hooghe contributes to our understanding of what constitutes and shapes a country's public diplomacy, and what factors undermine or contribute to its success. China invests heavily in policies aimed at improving its image, guarding itself against international criticism and advancing its domestic and international agenda. This volume explores how the Chinese government seeks to develop a distinct Chinese approach to public diplomacy, one that suits the country's culture and authoritarian system. Based on in-depth case studies, it provides a thorough analysis of this approach, which is characterized by a long-term vision, a dominant role for the government, an inseparable and complementary domestic dimension, and a high level of interconnectedness with China's overall foreign policy and diplomacy.
Promoting China's cultural soft power by disseminating modern Chinese values is one of the policies of President Xi Jinping. Although, it is usually understood as a top-down initiative, implemented willingly or unwillingly by writers, filmmakers, artists, and so on, and often manifesting itself in clumsy and awkward ways, for example, the concept of "the Chinese dream," intended to rival and perhaps appeal more strongly than "the American dream," modern Chinese values are in fact put forward in many ways by many different cultural actors. Through analyses of film festivals, CCTV, Confucius Institutes, auteurs, blockbusters, reality TV, and online digital cultures, this book exposes the limitations of China's officially promoted soft power in both conception and practice, and proposes a pluralistic approach to understanding Chinese soft power in local, regional, and transnational contexts. As such, the book demonstrates the limitations of existing theories of soft power, and argues that the US-derived concept of soft power can benefit from being examined from a China perspective.
International relations scholarship and the popular media tend to portray China as a great power with hegemonic designs for Southeast Asia. Moreover, studies on Chinese influence in Southeast Asia predominantly focus on the Chinese state. This paper argues that Chinese non-state actors and their daily encounters with local communities in Southeast Asia deserve equal attention as these interactions evidently produce friction at both the society-to-state and state-to-state levels. The influence of Chinese non-state actors in Southeast Asia can be illustrated with three examples, namely, Chinese tourism operations in Thailand, Chinese market demand and agricultural transformations in Myanmar, and Chinese gangs within the casino economy in Cambodia. Thailand has recently become a top tourist destination for Chinese nationals. This has cultural implications as those involved in the tourism industry need to have Chinese language skills. The economic implications include increased competition and decreased accountability as Chinese tour companies have set up in Thailand using Thai locals as nominees. Bilateral relations also soured after a boat carrying Chinese tourists capsized in Thailand. As global prices of corn rose in 2011 and 2012, areas in Myanmar close to the Chinese border have increased corn cultivation to meet Chinese demands for that crop. This has led to deforestation in these areas. Chinese gangsters fleeing their government’s crackdown in China have settled down to operate in the casino economy in Cambodia. Consequentially, there has been a rise in crime rate involving online scams and deteriorating public security. Despite the Chinese government encouraging the Cambodian government to enforce a ban on online gambling, the actions of non-state actors from China continue to be associated with the Chinese state as a whole and there is rising resentment towards the Chinese in Cambodia. The COVID-19 pandemic has temporarily halted cross-border trade between China and mainland Southeast Asia. This has negatively affected local farmers who are dependent on the Chinese market.
This book examines the phenomenal growth over recent years of StarTimes, a Chinese pay-TV company with around 30 million subscribers providing satellite television to 20 African countries. The broadcaster, whose markets include demographic groups deemed uneconomic by Western television providers, combines entertainment such as Chinese drama and Kung Fu content dubbed into African languages with Chinese state programming, thus making the station at least partially a public diplomacy instrument. At the same time, the channel provides new indigenous language channels, widened access to television in rural areas, and sponsors African soccer brands. The book considers all aspects of StarTimes: how it fits into China’s development assistance programmes; its structure as a private company nonetheless financed by Chinese banks; and, based on extensive interview research in Ghana, Kenya and Zambia, how the station is perceived by media professionals. Overall, the book shows how this major Chinese international media expansion both contributes very significantly to African development in a way which is sensitive to local concerns, and at the same time enhances China’s international image.
At the beginning of the twenty-first century, China is poised to become a major global power. And though much has been written of China's rise, a crucial aspect of this transformation has gone largely unnoticed: the way that China is using soft power to appeal to its neighbours and to distant countries alike. This original book is the first to examine the significance of China's recent focus on soft power, that is, diplomacy, trade incentives, cultural and educational exchange opportunities, and other techniques, to project a benign national image, pose as a model of social and economic success, and develop stronger international alliances. Drawing on years of experience tracking China's policies in Southeast Asia, Latin America, and Africa, Joshua Kurlantzick reveals how China has wooed the world with a charm offensive that has largely escaped the attention of American policymakers. Beijing's new diplomacy has altered the political landscape in Southeast Asia and far beyond, changing the dynamics of China's relationships with other countries. China also has worked to take advantage of American policy mistakes, the author contends. In a provocative conclusion, he considers a future in which China may be the first nation since the Soviet Union to rival the U.S. in international influence.
This edited volume presents the results of a three-year comparative study on Chinese cultural diplomacy (CD) across Europe, Central Asia, the Middle East, and Southeast Asia, which contributes to the broader theoretical debate on China`s increasing soft power in international relations. The study, ‘China's Cultural Diplomacy and the Role of Non-State Actors’ was conducted by a research team at the Oriental Institute of the Academy of Sciences of the Czech Republic from 2015 to 2018. This book pays special attention to China’s localized forms of CD, focusing on the regional variations and involvement of non-state actors, especially local actors outside China. Local actors involved in Chinese CD diplomacy are characterized by their intermediary status as working for the aims of two states, while trying to bridge conflicts and enhance mutual understanding. This book will be of interest to scholars, diplomats, and China watchers.
Joseph Nye coined the term "soft power" in the late 1980s. It is now used frequently—and often incorrectly—by political leaders, editorial writers, and academics around the world. So what is soft power? Soft power lies in the ability to attract and persuade. Whereas hard power—the ability to coerce—grows out of a country's military or economic might, soft power arises from the attractiveness of a country's culture, political ideals, and policies. Hard power remains crucial in a world of states trying to guard their independence and of non-state groups willing to turn to violence. It forms the core of the Bush administration's new national security strategy. But according to Nye, the neo-conservatives who advise the president are making a major miscalculation: They focus too heavily on using America's military power to force other nations to do our will, and they pay too little heed to our soft power. It is soft power that will help prevent terrorists from recruiting supporters from among the moderate majority. And it is soft power that will help us deal with critical global issues that require multilateral cooperation among states. That is why it is so essential that America better understands and applies our soft power. This book is our guide.