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The world's fourth largest island, with a unique biological and physical endowment, Madagascar is home to an extraordinary insular civilization that has struggled for more than a century against external domination. In this sensitive introduction to the Indian Ocean's "great island," Philip Allen shows how family affinities and community loyalties at the foundation of Madagascar's culture have influenced Malagasy nationalism and forged islandwide traditions. These same principles have nonetheless engendered social cleavages and resistance to economic and political change. In chapters on modern Madagascar, Allen analyzes the inability of a series of regimes to maintain authority among a people deeply bound to rituals of communication with their spiritual environment. He demonstrates how the first Malagasy Republic became stigmatized by its lingering identification with French colonialism and how the nationalist revolution in 1972 soon hardened into autocratic radicalism. Allen explores the complex challenges facing Madagascar's resurgent democratic forces–including a need to conserve the island's irreplaceable biodiversity and to facilitate authentic participation in public affairs without offending ancestral customs and local precedents. Finally, he discusses efforts to end Madagascar's economic and political dependence and to improve living conditions for its tragically impoverished population.
To an increasing extent, nationals of Third World countries are protesting against the tendency of foreign theoreticians and observers to study their problems - political problems in particular - in terms of concepts and theories established on the basis of European experiences. For instance, the Egyptian Abdel Malek I in La diaiectique sociaie, writes: 'At the starting point, whose broad lines we sketch here, there is evidence of inadequation, deriving from the fact of difference. Inadequation of the conceptual system of the social sciences. Differences between Western societie- which have provided the larger part of the analytical material for the con ceptual elaboration and establishment of theoretical systems in different disciplines - on the one hand, and non-Western societies (those of Asia, Africa and Latin America) on the other hand. ' This does not mean that the author impugns universalism and that he advocates enclosing the Third World in a sort of intellectual ghetto, overemphasizing its specificity, and constituting as it were 'reserves' designed to highlight the exotic aspect for the benefit of foreigners. 2 On the contrary, what he takes sociology to task for is its insufficiently universal and universalizing nature. This being so, his aim is to make concepts more universal and to rebuild theory with the help of reshaped concepts. Abel Malek's criticisms are largely justified. There is indeed a certain eurocentricity in the theories elaborated by political scientists, even if they deny it.