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This book presents a critical reflection on the major armed conflicts that occurred during the 1990s and the first decade of the twenty-first century. Conflicts in Bosnia, Kosovo, Chechnya, Iraq, Afghanistan and Syria all involved the use of terrorism by one or more groups. Looking to the future, the book asks what this means for violent conflicts yet to come? Using a variety of case studies, the authors provide a systematic and comprehensive analysis of the role played by terrorism as a stand-alone tactic as well as one used to ignite broad-scale conflict. They also pose the question on what occasions does terrorism tend to occur as an armed conflict begins to subside, and when, in other words, is it a trailing indicator?
An analysis of how nuclear weapons states have been able to create a 'normalisation' of nuclear weapons by practising elements of 'nuclearism'. These practices have all been affected by the creation of the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons, which represents a major challenge to these states and their domination of the global nuclear order.
The Path to Zero argues that it is time to re-open the public debate on nuclear weapons. In a series of clear and well-reasoned dialogues, long-time scholars and peace activists Richard Falk and David Krieger probe key questions about our nuclear capability and dig beneath the secrecy that has largely surrounded its existence. Falk and Krieger argue that Hiroshima and Nagasaki were only the beginning. In recent times, nuclear annihilation at the hands of rogue states and terrorists has become an even greater concern than the spectre of nuclear war between superpowers. The Path to Zero argues that whilst none of us has the power to bring about global change alone, together we are immensely powerful - powerful enough to overcome the threats of the Nuclear Age and move us appreciably along 'the path to zero'.
After the first use of nuclear weapons in 1945, Albert Einstein warned that 'we thus drift towards unparalleled catastrophe'. Today we are no longer drifting but racing toward catastrophe at breakneck speed. This book analyses recent events that have brought about a dangerous Third Nuclear Age. From the collapse of arms control treaties and the development of hypersonic missiles, to the pop culture that shapes how we think about nuclear weapons, via how nuclear weapons intersect with the global threats posed by pandemics, populism, climate change, corruption, militarism, and racism, this book explores the nuclear zeitgeist of today. It presents the case for critical nuclear studies, and provides an important intervention into debates about nuclear weapons and international security. Today, the planet stands on the brink of catastrophe. This book tells you why, and what we can do about it.
Highlights the threats posed by nuclear weapons and shows a way to denuclearization through the application of international law.
A fascinating collection of predictions for the end-times in the year 2000 The Year 2000 is at hand. The end of the millennium means many things to many people, but it has significance for almost everyone. A thousand years ago, monks stopped copying manuscripts and religious building projects came to a halt as panic swept Europe. Today, anxiety about global warming, government power, superviruses, even recycling, is on some level rooted in the fear of irreversible cataclysm. In a landscape shadowed by racial conflict, technological upheaval, AIDS, and nuclear weapons, we reasonably fear the end of history. 2000 looms large in our religious, political, and cultural imagination. But while 2000 brings dread it also raises the prospect of transformation. There is hope to be found in the apocalyptic. This panoramic volume explores how the Year 2000 operates in contemporary political discourse, from Black evangelical politics to radical right-wing rhetoric. One section is devoted specifically to apocalyptic violence, analyzing twentieth-century cults and cultural movements, from David Koresh—who renamed his Waco compound Ranch Apocalypse and perished in a modern-day Armageddon that fueled the millennialist angst of other extremist groups—to environmental campaigns like Earth First! that also rely on the language of violence and imminent doom in their greening of the Apocalypse.
The United States, because of the values which accompanied it birth and those it has espoused, coupled with the evolving socio-economic and political standing of its place in the world since World War I, has achieved much at home and abroad. It has, also, been faced with inadequately addressed problems—problems that have progressively festered and have now become threats to the very life of societies, national and global. Efforts to deal with some of them have erringly focused on personalities—specific presidents (Trump, for example); particular political parties; or identified events or movements (1960s radicals or far-Right extremists) rather than on rooted patterns that have shaped and reinforced institutions. The book looks at some of those patterns, in the areas of disarmament, economic development, race and class formations, popular culture, the environment, and the will to power. It then proposes some steps toward a possible course correction.
This book provides an analytical overview of the state of the US-India strategic partnership from the U.S. and Indian perspectives.
This book makes the case for an inclusive form of socialist feminism that puts multiple disadvantaged women at its heart. It moves feminism beyond contemporary disputes, including those between some feminists and some trans women. Combining academic rigour with accessibility, the book demystifies some key feminist terms, including patriarchy and intersectionality, and shows their relevance to feminist politics today. It argues that the analysis of gender cannot be isolated from that of class or race, and that the needs of most women will not be met in an economy based on the pursuit of profit. Throughout, the book asserts the social, economic and human importance of the unpaid caring and domestic work that has been traditionally done by women. It concludes that there are some grounds for optimism about a future that could be both more feminist and more socialist.