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This investigation sheds new light on the confrontational stance the religious right has taken toward contemporary America by examining the nature and origins of its highly charged ideas. It traces its belief system, commonly called the "Christian Worldview," to four Christian thinkers (Abraham Kuyper, Cornelius Van Til, Rousas John Rushdoony, and Francis Schaeffer) known for their anti-modernist, authoritarian, and in some cases, openly theocratic ideas. Although virtually unknown to most Americans, these men have been treated like patron saints by the religious right. Their ideas, seriously discussed within the movement and codified in Christian Worldview documents during the 1980s, have been widely disseminated to followers through textbooks and seminars, evolving over time into standard talking points. The book then examines how the ideology buttresses the movement's controversial, right-wing agenda. It explores how the Christian Worldview advances a concept of “total truth” that is unique to biblical Christians and enables them to redefine freedom, law, government, and even history and science, in their own infallible terms. A vision for the future and plan of action are formed on the basis of these certainties. The book concludes by discussing the danger the ideology poses to pluralist society and offers intelligent ways of confronting it.
This book is a sociological analysis of the relationship between modern society, in particular America, and Calvinism in the Weberian tradition. While the book continues this tradition, it further expands, elaborates on, and goes beyond earlier sociological analyses. The book examines the impact of Calvinism on modern society as a whole, thus extending, elaborating on, and going beyond the previous analyses of the influence of the Calvinist religion only on the capitalist economy. It analyzes how Calvinism has determined most contemporary social institutions, including political, civic, cultural, and economic, in its respective societies, particularly, through its derivative Puritanism, America. For that purpose, the book applies the idea of the destiny of societies or nations to American society in particular. It argues, demonstrates, and illustrates the Calvinist societal "predestination," through the Puritan determination, of American society .
The years from 1852 to 1890 marked a controversial period in Mormonism, when the church's official embrace of polygamy put it at odds with wider American culture. In this study, Christine Talbot explores the controversial era, discussing how plural marriage generated decades of cultural and political conflict over competing definitions of legitimate marriage, family structure, and American identity. In particular, Talbot examines "the Mormon question" with attention to how it constructed ideas about American citizenship around the presumed separation of the public and private spheres. Contrary to the prevailing notion of man as political actor, woman as domestic keeper, and religious conscience as entirely private, Mormons enfranchised women and framed religious practice as a political act. The way Mormonism undermined the public/private divide led white, middle-class Americans to respond by attacking not just Mormon sexual and marital norms but also Mormons' very fitness as American citizens. Poised at the intersection of the history of the American West, Mormonism, and nineteenth-century culture and politics, this carefully researched exploration considers the ways in which Mormons and anti-Mormons both questioned and constructed ideas of the national body politic, citizenship, gender, the family, and American culture at large.
This practical how-to book explores an important Biblical principle for restoring a nation, with an insight and perspective from Scripture that many have not considered. If you are concerned about the direction of America and what the Bible has to say about reforming a nation, then this is an important read for you. The perspective and strategy may surprise you.
The teaching of history has long been the subject of partisan warfare. Religion often plays a prominent role in these debates, as secular progressives and conservative Christians disagree over which historical figures are worthy of study, how (or whether) certain events should be portrayed, and ultimately how tax dollars should be spent. But what about students who are educated outside the public schools, either in religious schools or at home? How are they learning history, and what effect does that have on our democracy? Hijacking History analyzes the high school world history textbooks produced by the three most influential publishers of Christian educational materials. In these books, the historian, informed by his faith, tells the allegedly unbiased story of God's actions as interpreted through the Bible. History becomes a weapon to judge and condemn civilizations that do not accept the true God or adopt "biblical" positions. In their treatment of the modern world, these texts identify ungodly ideas to be vanquished-evolution, humanism, biblical modernism, socialism, and climate science among them. The judgments found in these textbooks, Kathleen Wellman shows, are rooted in the history of American evangelicals and fundamentalists and the battles they fought against the tide of secularism. In assuming that God sanctions fundamentalist positions on social, political, and economic issues, students are led to believe that that the ultimate mission of America is to succeed as a nation that advances evangelical Christianity and capitalism throughout the world. The Christianity presented in these textbooks is proselytizing, intolerant of other religions and non-evangelical Christians, and unquestionably anchored to the political right. As Hijacking History argues, the ideas these textbooks promote have significant implications for contemporary debates about religion, politics, and education, and pose a direct challenge to the values of a pluralistic democracy.
With this narrative of two love stories, separated by twenty years, set in Manhattan and Nottingham, and inspired by the game of chess, the reader gets drawn into some big issues like social justice, sexual identity, suicide and the Jewish-Palestinian conflict.
For the last several decades, at the far fringes of American evangelical Christianity has stood an intellectual movement known as Christian Reconstruction. The proponents of this movement embrace a radical position: that all of life should be brought under the authority of biblical law as it is contained in both the Old and New Testaments. They challenge the legitimacy of democracy, argue that slavery is biblically justifiable, and support the death penalty for all manner of "crimes" described in the Bible including homosexuality, adultery, and Sabbath-breaking. But, as Julie Ingersoll shows in this fascinating new book, this "Biblical Worldview" shapes their views not only on political issues, but on everything from private property and economic policy to history and literature. Holding that the Bible provides a coherent, internally consistent, and all-encompassing worldview, they seek to remake the entirety of society--church, state, family, economy--along biblical lines. Tracing the movement from its mid-twentieth-century origins in the writings of theologian and philosopher R.J. Rushdoony to its present-day sites of influence, including the Christian Home School movement, advocacy for the teaching of creationism, and the development and rise of the Tea Party, Ingersoll illustrates how Reconstructionists have broadly and subtly shaped conservative American Protestantism over the course of the late-twentieth and early-twenty-first centuries. Drawing on interviews with Reconstructionists themselves as well as extensive research in Reconstructionist publications, Building God's Kingdom offers the most complete and balanced portrait to date of this enigmatic segment of the Christian Right.
This investigation sheds new light on the confrontational stance the religious right has taken toward contemporary America by examining the nature and origins of its highly charged ideas. It traces its belief system, commonly called the "Christian Worldview," to four Christian thinkers (Abraham Kuyper, Cornelius Van Til, Rousas John Rushdoony, and Francis Schaeffer) known for their anti-modernist, authoritarian, and in some cases, openly theocratic ideas. Although virtually unknown to most Americans, these men have been treated like patron saints by the religious right. Their ideas, seriously discussed within the movement and codified in Christian Worldview documents during the 1980s, have been widely disseminated to followers through textbooks and seminars, evolving over time into standard talking points. The book then examines how the ideology buttresses the movement's controversial, right-wing agenda. It explores how the Christian Worldview advances a concept of "total truth" that is unique to biblical Christians and enables them to redefine freedom, law, government, and even history and science, in their own infallible terms. A vision for the future and plan of action are formed on the basis of these certainties. The book concludes by discussing the danger the ideology poses to pluralist society and offers intelligent ways of confronting it.
This book explores God’s use of violence as depicted in the Hebrew Bible. Focusing on the Pentateuch, it reads biblical narratives and codes of law as documenting formations of theopolitical imagination. Ophir deciphers the logic of divine rule that these documents betray, with a special attention to the place of violence within it. The book draws from contemporary biblical scholarship, while also engaging critically with contemporary political theory and political theology, including the work of Walter Benjamin, Giorgio Agamben, Jan Assmann, Regina Schwartz, and Michael Walzer. Ophir focuses on three distinct theocratic formations: the rule of disaster, where catastrophes are used as means of governance; the biopolitical rule of the holy, where divine violence is spatially demarcated and personally targeted; and the rule of law where divine violence is vividly remembered and its return is projected, anticipated, and yet postponed, creating a prolonged lull for the text’s present. Different as these formations are, Ophir shows how they share an urform that anticipates the main outlines of the modern European state, which has monopolized the entire globe. A critique of the modern state, the book argues, must begin in revisiting the deification of the state, unpacking its mostly repressed theological dimension.