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Sanctions are considered by many to be a central element of U.S. policy to counter Russian malign behavior. Most Russia-related sanctions have been in response to Russia's 2014 invasion of Ukraine. In addition, the United States has imposed sanctions on Russia in response to human rights abuses, election interference and cyberattacks, weapons proliferation, illicit trade with North Korea, support to Syria, and use of a chemical weapon. The United States also employs sanctions to deter further objectionable activities. Most Members of Congress support a robust use of sanctions amid concerns about Russia's international behavior and geostrategic intentions. Ukraine-related sanctions are mainly based on four executive orders (EOs) the President introduced in 2014. In addition, Congress passed and the President signed into law two acts establishing sanctions in response to Russia's invasion of Ukraine: the Support for the Sovereignty, Integrity, Democracy, and Economic Stability of Ukraine Act of 2014 (SSIDES; P.L. 113-95) and the Ukraine Freedom Support Act of 2014 (UFSA; P.L. 113-272). In 2017, Congress passed and the President signed into law the Countering Russian Influence in Europe and Eurasia Act of 2017 (CRIEEA; P.L. 115-44, Countering America's Adversaries Through Sanctions Act [CAATSA], Title II). This legislation codifies Ukraine-related and cyberrelated EOs, strengthens existing Russia-related sanctions authorities, and identifies several new targets for sanctions. It also establishes congressional review of any action the President takes to ease or lift a variety of sanctions. Additional sanctions on Russia may be forthcoming. On August 6, 2018, the United States determined that in March 2018 the Russian government used a chemical weapon in the United Kingdom in contravention of international law. In response, the United States launched an initial round of sanctions on Russia, as required by the Chemical and Biological Weapons Control and Warfare Elimination Act of 1991 (CBW Act; P.L. 102-182, Title III). The law requires a second, more severe round of sanctions in the absence of Russia's reliable commitment to no longer use such weapons. The United States has imposed most Ukraine-related sanctions on Russia in coordination with the European Union (EU). Since 2017, the efforts of Congress and the Trump Administration to tighten U.S. sanctions on Russia have prompted some degree of concern in the EU about U.S. commitment to sanctions coordination and U.S.-EU cooperation on Russia and Ukraine more broadly. The EU, in addition, continues to consider its response to Russia's use of a chemical weapon in the United Kingdom. Debates about the effectiveness of U.S. and other sanctions on Russia continue in Congress, in the Administration, and among other stakeholders. Russia has not reversed its occupation and annexation of Ukraine's Crimea region, nor has it stopped fostering separatism in eastern Ukraine. With respect to other malign activities, the relationship between sanctions and Russian behavior is difficult to determine. Nonetheless, many observers argue that sanctions help to restrain Russia or that their imposition is an appropriate foreign policy response regardless of immediate effect. In the 115th Congress, several bills have been introduced to increase the use of sanctions in response to Russia's malign activities. The 116th Congress is likely to continue to debate the role of sanctions in U.S. foreign policy toward Russia.
The Open Access publication of this book has been published with the support of the Swiss National Science Foundation. Are unilateral economic sanctions legal under public international law? How do they relate to the existing international legal principles and norms? Can unilateral economic sanctions imposed to redress grave human rights violations be subjected to the same legal contestations as other unilateral sanctions? What potential contribution can the recently formulated doctrine of Common Concern of Humankind make by introducing substantive and procedural prerequisites to legitimise unilateral human rights sanctions? Unilateral Sanctions in International Law and the Enforcement of Human Rights by Iryna Bogdanova addresses these complex questions while taking account of the burgeoning state practice of employing unilateral economic sanctions.
Providing a unique analytical framework to capture a diverse, fragmented and highly evolving practice, the Research Handbook on Unilateral and Extraterritorial Sanctions is the key original reference work covering how sanctions have indisputably become central instruments of foreign policy. This discerning Research Handbook combines a series of case studies and cross-cutting analyses. It reflects the levers and evolution of international law and practice in the field, as well as covering important topics over multiple disciplines, particularly in international law and international relations. Featuring diverse contributions from a selection of esteemed scholars, the Research Handbook’s chapters provide an unprecedented analysis of the evolution of diplomatic, legal and business practices and tackle topical legal issues arising from unilateral and extraterritorial sanctions. Offering a unique panorama of contemporary practice, this 360-degree study will be of interest to legal academics and their students as well as practitioners in both the public and private sectors.
The Economics of Russia’s War in Ukraine provides a thorough analysis of the Russo-Ukrainian war, tracing its historical roots and exploring its multifaceted dimensions. This book emphasizes economic, geopolitical, and humanitarian impacts, highlighting Ukraine’s resilience amid challenges. At the same time, this study examines the EU’s dynamic responses to economic crises and energy transition, the consequences of the war on global trade dynamics, and the significant influence of geopolitical events on financial markets. It underscores the EU’s commitment to aiding Ukraine, enhancing its security, and increasing defence spending in response to evolving geopolitical complexities. The impact of the invasion on financial markets and the vulnerabilities of the banking sector are closely examined, highlighting the complex relationship between geopolitics and the global economy. Findings suggest that the priorities for the post-war reconstruction of Ukraine include addressing human capital and demographics, employment opportunities, environmental protection, infrastructure and housing reconstruction, security and mine clearance, waste recycling, agriculture and food security, digital transformation, social protection and healthcare, and education and research. This book therefore argues that a comprehensive, integrated approach with international support is crucial for Ukraine’s recovery and sustainable economic growth. The Economics of Russia’s War in Ukraine will be useful for scholars, students, professionals, policy makers, all interested in economics, international relations, security, and global studies, as well as all those wishing to have a thorough and clear understanding of the backdrop of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 and its influence on Europe.
This book is a collective attempt to present a wide-ranging picture of international attitudes towards the events currently ongoing in Ukraine. As some experts have already tended to claim, in 2014 this post-Soviet state lying in the Eastern part of the European continent has become a scene of the most serious geopolitical standoff since the end of the Cold war. It would be in place here to remind a well-known clear-cut maxim, formulated by Zbigniew Brzeziński in late 1990s and concerning Ukraine’s key role in shaping the Russian imperial self-identity: “Without Ukraine Russia ceases to be a Eurasian empire”. So what may readers expect to find in this book? It has been divided into two parts, reflecting the perspectives on Ukrainian crisis: first, the perspective of Ukraine’s close neighbours from Central Eastern Europe and Turkey; second, the perspectives of the global players like the EU, the US or China. We hope that such a publication focused on the above-mentioned problems and embedded in the actual reality will be useful both for professionals in the field of political science, as well as for those who have an influence on the shape of the foreign policy.
This edited volume bridges the "analytical divide" between studies of transatlantic relations, democratic peace theory, and foreign policy analysis, and improves our theoretical understanding of the logic of crises prevention and resolution. The recent rise of populism and polarization in both the U.S.A and Europe adds to a host of foreign policy crises that have emerged in transatlantic relations over the last two decades. Through examining how democracies can manage to sustain and maintain mechanisms of crisis resilience that are embedded in the democratic peace, and particularly transatlantic relations, this book helps enhance the understanding of inter-democratic crisis resolution across issue areas. In doing so, it addresses some of the most important and prevalent crises of our time, such as anti-terrorism intervention in Afghanistan; Iran’s nuclear program; burden-sharing within North Atlantic Treaty Organization NATO; key aspects of the international order, such as binding norms for cyber security and the integration of China into the Western-led international economic order; as well as domestic order shifts, such as the British vote to leave the European Union (EU) and the impact of the Trump administration populist foreign policy on transatlantic crisis resolution. This book will be of key interest to students and scholars of International Relations, Transatlantic Studies, Foreign Policy Analysis, and Comparative Politics.
Eugene Fishel asks whether, how, and under what circumstances the United States has considered Ukraine’s sovereignty in its relations with Moscow. The Moscow Factor brings together for the first time documentary evidence and declassified materials, retrospective articles by former policymakers, and memoirs by erstwhile senior officials.
As a new president takes over in Washington, three intertwined threats imperil the world. One is internal. The others are external. The internal threat is a potent and increasingly anti-patriotic, anti-competitive, anti-meritocratic, and sky-is-the-limit federal deficit spending political current that is simultaneously diminishing and destabilizing American and global economic vitality. The two major external threats are the rising military power of Russia, China, North Korea, and Iran and a global economic malaise sowing the seeds of discontent. America's role in containing the spread of new wave authoritarianism, and fostering competitiveness and global prosperity is critical, but domestic politics is preventing the Biden administration from adequately responding to these challenges. Biden's America is adrift.America is key to the survival of the free world. America is currently a beleaguered superpower. This book is possibly the first to address the politics shaping the likely course of America's new president in world affairs. It is politics, not idealist and realist abstractions, which determine international security. The world is concerned about what course Biden will take and the likely consequences. It will be the most carefully researched of such books.The book deals explicitly and extensively with issues such as spreading authoritarianism, the emerging new Cold War, global growth retardation, civic discord, economic sanctions, arms control, soft power and the deteriorating correlation of forces. The China weapons section of the book draws from the latest assessment made by the American Department of Defense. The book also includes a section on China's new technology generating innovation model and a chapter on Covid-19.