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This book traces Barotseland’s existence in the Zambian nation from 1964 to date. The book challenges dominant discourses on Barotseland from various sources, including the Zambian Government. Indeed, such narratives have either been explicitly biased or have sought to distort Barotseland’s quest for independence from Zambia. In the same vein, it departs from previous works that have sought to legitimise what the people of Barotseland now refer to as the “illegal occupation of Barotseland by the Zambian Government”.
This book expands into the neglected history of Pan African Cross-Border and African traditional leadership in the Southern African liberation struggle. It pays homage the seven African Kings appointed as Honorary Presidents of Congress, at its founding at Bloemfontein on January 8, 1912. These were Dalindyebo of the Thembus; Montsioa of the Barolong; Lewanika of Barotseland; Letsie II of Lesotho Khama of Mangwato of Botswana; Marclane of Pondoland and Mopei of the Bakgatla. King Lewanika of Barotseland is the subject of the memorial lecture. Nelson Mandela, named his second son, Makgatho Lewanika, in honour of Sefako Mapogo Makgatho, the second President of the ANC and King Lewanika of Barotseland In his biography of Barotselands sovereign ruler from 1878 to 1916, King Lewanika the First, Gervas Clay writes that: His life began in exile while his heritage lay under alien rule. He had seen the usurper defeated and annihilated and some of his royal relatives in turn enthroned in triumph and overthrown into despair and death. He had seen the country he loved torn by internecine wars and had himself barely escaped with his life into further exile. His triumphant return he knew would be without permanency of stability unless he discovered a new way to rule. ... He had learnt a better way, and become popular with his people whom he had led to treaties with the dominant colonial power of the age. He died full of honour, loved and respected by his people... Leaving the heart of his country reserved to the Barotse by treaty rights and his own family secure on the throne. No African ruler of his time achieved more, and none was more regretted by all who had known him In SiLozi, the hybrid SeSotho-based national lingua franca commonly shared language of Barotseland the head of the national state, the King, goes by the title Mulena Yo Muhulu meaning Supreme Ruler. In the Siluyana language, which is the language of the founding leadership of Barotseland, the King goes by the title Mbumu-wa-Litunga, or simply Litunga. Following the 1884 outbreak of civil war and after the 1885 triump of being re-instated on the throne, Lubosi was referred to as Mbumu-wa-Litunga, Lewanika la Matunga Mwana Kokoma Milonga! meaning the Supreme Lord of the Land, Unifier of Realms and Great Conqueror! From the first communications, encounters and treaties, the British Government and its colonial authorities and agents acknowledged Litunga Lewanika as King Lewanika of Barotseland. Words of the last stanza of the Barotse National Anthem say it all: Imutakwandu Mulena Muhulu/ Oh, our late long serving Great King Yo lu mu fiwe ki Muhauheli/ Given to us by the grace of God Ha lu punyuhile, ha lu iketile / That we have survived, that we are at peace.
Using historical and anthropological analysis, this book examines the changing characteristics of nations globally; nation-building in Tanzania, Uganda, and Zambia; and the history of multi-culturalism in the Global South as an advantage to development in post-colonial conceptions of the nation.
This book critically examines the current social policy in post-apartheid South Africa and proposes an alternative social policy agenda to create a new development pathway for the country. Taking social policy as a vehicle that will facilitate the creation of a new society altogether, namely the "Good Society," the author argues for the adoption of policy that will socially re-engineer South Africa. The author shows how the policy tools and development interventions which were undertaken by the post-apartheid state in driving South Africa’s transformation agenda failed to emancipate many individuals, families, and communities from the cycle of intergenerational poverty and underdevelopment. He contends that social policy interventions that foster the social re-engineering of South African society must take place to untangle the inherited colonial-apartheid social order. This book includes comparative analyses on the Global South and Global North to present the ways in which countries such as post-Second World War Great Britain and Sweden, and post-independence Zambia of the 1960s and 1970s, were able to use social policy to create new societies altogether or places similar to the "Good Society." The conceptual and methodological issues that form the basis for this book reside in public policy-making and the public good and will be of interest to scholars of social policy, social development, and South African society.
Plunder examines the dark side of the Rule of Law and explores how it has been used as a powerful political weapon by Western countries in order to legitimize plunder – the practice of violent extraction by stronger political actors victimizing weaker ones. Challenges traditionally held beliefs in the sanctity of the Rule of Law by exposing its dark side Examines the Rule of Law's relationship with 'plunder' – the practice of violent extraction by stronger political actors victimizing weaker ones – in the service of Western cultural and economic domination Provides global examples of plunder: of oil in Iraq; of ideas in the form of Western patents and intellectual property rights imposed on weaker peoples; and of liberty in the United States Dares to ask the paradoxical question – is the Rule of Law itself illegal?
This book contains a number of papers presented at a workshop organised by the World Bank in 1997 on the theme of 'Social Capital: Integrating the Economist's and the Sociologist's Perspectives'. The concept of 'social capital' is considered through a number of theoretical and empirical studies which discuss its analytical foundations, as well as institutional and statistical analyses of the concept. It includes the classic 1987 article by the late James Coleman, 'Social Capital in the Creation of Human Capital', which formed the basis for the development of social capital as an organising concept in the social sciences.
Against the background of a long and continuing record of political instability in Africa, this edited collection presents a multi-disciplinary approach to selected issues in African political studies. The contributions explore a range of political and conflict situations, discuss efforts to develop indigenous conflict resolution mechanisms and consider some of the key political and economic issues facing the continent. The specific country studies illuminate the diversity of the African continent and indicate the ways in which the political and socio-economic contexts of African states bear directly upon the ability of states to solve political and economic challenges. The volume seeks to present and promote novel analytical frameworks, conceptual approaches and empirical accounts of relevance to scholars working on Africa and to practitioners and policy makers in politics, governance and peace initiatives in Africa.
The book is a collection of essays, which aim to situate African legal theory in the context of the myriad of contemporary global challenges; from the prevalence of war to the misery of poverty and disease to the crises of the environment. Apart from being problems that have an indelible African mark on them, a common theme that runs throughout the essays in this book is that African legal theory has been excluded, under-explored or under-theorised in the search for solutions to such contemporary problems. The essays make a modest attempt to reverse this trend. The contributors investigate and introduce readers to the key issues, questions, concepts, impulses and problems that underpin the idea of African legal theory. They outline the potential offered by African legal theory and open up its key concepts and impulses for critical scrutiny. This is done in order to develop a better understanding of the extent to which African legal theory can contribute to discourses seeking to address some of the challenges that confront African and non-African societies alike.